anthropology food writing final essay

Question Description

My topic is about GMOs food and GMOs food issue in USA.

This paper needs an interview part, you can make up this part, say you interviews your friend about his/her attitude of GMOs food, will he/her choose to buy GMOs food. The detailed writing requirement is post below, please check. And need 15 citations. 5 book resources are post in the attached file.


A biocultural examination of your chosen topic

  • 1500-2000 words
  • Bio-cultural—both a biological anthropological and a cultural examination
  • Use your Interview or observation to explain the topic you chose.It is most effective if you use that person as the lens through which you view the topic.
  • If you used the presentation either as a short first draft or as a presentation of just one aspect of your research, now flesh out the project.
  • Bibliography should include:
    • 5 Academic/scholarly sources (from your first assignment)
    • 5 Readings from the course (preferably more)
    • At least 5 other sources/readings (preferably more)
    • See item 2 under peer evaluations
  • Pay attention to feedback on your assignments and ask for help if we haven’t been clear.

Requirements checklist for presentation and final paper:

  • Examine your chosen subject scientifically and culturally.
  • Study a living person or people by doing ONE of the following:
    • One Interview !!!!!!!!! OR One observation (you are welcome to do more, but you only have to do one of either).
  • Relate your research to at least 15 (more is better) resources—
    • 5 from your initial scholarly literature search in the first project assignment,
    • 5 course readings (readings assigned in the syllabus) and
    • 5 other sources that you have discovered in your research. Ask Dr. O'Bryan if you have questions about how to do this.
  • Include both Science and Culture in discussion of your chosen topic.

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R O S E M A RY A . J O Y C E JOHN S. HENDERSON From Feasting to Cuisine: Implications of Archaeological Research in an Early Honduran Village ABSTRACT Research at the site of Puerto Escondido in northern Honduras produced evidence of foodways in one of the earliest known villages in Central America. Much of the material recovered is related directly or indirectly to the production, preparation, and consumption of food. In everyday practice, the organization of food consumption in villages like this would have been central to the reproduction of social relations. In other early villages in Central America, the use of food for political ends has been given a causal role in the development of social stratification. Drawing on evidence for one particular food practice, the preparation and consumption of fermented and unfermented cacao beverages, we argue that it is through the elaboration of cuisine—regimes of taste and presentation—that food production, serving, and consumption played both of these roles. [Keywords: social relations, alcohol, food consumption, stratification, social reproduction] A LARGE PART OF THE DATA available to archaeologists is in one way or another related to foodways: producing, storing, preparing, serving, consuming, and disposing of the remains of foods. Even the human skeleton is a record of what the person ate during his or her lifetime. It should be unsurprising that archaeological interpretations often place foodways in central positions. This article is thus an intervention in a long-established tradition. We describe data that allow us to infer what foods people were cultivating, preparing, and consuming in one of the earliest farming villages in Central America. We explore how these data allow consideration of the experiential dimension of taste and social elaboration of cuisine that in our view must have had a central role in encouraging the proliferation of human foodways (Hastorf 1998, 2003; Norton 2006; Smith 2006). Changes in the form of vessels in which foods containing cacao were prepared and served over a period of at least 800 years at Puerto Escondido, Honduras, imply changes in both culturally encouraged preferences (taste) and social relations related to food (cuisine). We argue that a shift from drinking alcohol, produced from fermenting cacao pulp and seeds, to preparing and drinking nonalcoholic chocolate drinks accompanied the development of new ways of emphasizing the hospitality of hosts. We suggest that, in the process, work that was carried out before the events in which drinks were shared was made more central to social relations by the addition of performative steps of serving. A CONTEXT FOR CUISINE: PUERTO ESCONDIDO, HONDURAS At the village of Puerto Escondido, Honduras, we have identified evidence for the use of cacao circa 1150 B.C.E., where it was employed initially, we argue, in the form of an alcoholic beverage (Henderson and Joyce 1998, 2006; Joyce and Henderson 2001, 2002, 2003). Puerto Escondido is located on a small tributary of the Chamelecon River, one of two tropical rivers that form the lower Ulua Valley on the Caribbean coast of Honduras (see Figure 1). Our excavations show that people living at Puerto Escondido experienced episodes of flooding that deposited sediment across the site (Henderson and Joyce 1998, 2004; Joyce and Henderson 2001, 2002). Our data comes from excavations through up to 3.5 meters of such sediments, which buried residues of human occupation from before 1600 B.C.E. to circa 450 C.E. Our access to the traces of earliest episodes of settlement was facilitated by the partial destruction of site features by bulldozing, site destruction that initiated our work, C 2007 by the American Anthropological Association. AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST, Vol. 109, Issue 4, pp. 642–653, ISSN 0002-7294 online ISSN 1548-1433.  All rights reserved. Please direct all requests for permission to photocopy or reproduce article content through the University of California Press’s Rights and Permissions website, http://www.ucpressjournals.com/reprintInfo.asp. DOI: 10.1525/AA.2007.109.4.642. Joyce and Henderson • From Feasting to Cuisine FIGURE 1. Map showing location of Puerto Escondido. which was carried out in collaboration with the Honduran Institute of Anthropology and History. Over four field seasons, we tested areas of two large earthen platforms and identified ancient surfaces buried below the modern surface of each (Joyce and Henderson 2001; Joyce 2004, in press). In three areas we were able to excavate blocks of these buried surfaces. We continued excavation in one 2 × 2–meter stratigraphic test unit to levels where we ceased to recover cultural materials or traces of human constructions. The sequence of deposits is evidence of a continuing occupation at this place marked by intervals of remodeling of the pole and clay-walled buildings we interpret as houses. Chronology of Occupation Analysis of carbon from excavated deposits produced a series of 42 chronometric dates for specific episodes in the sequence of site formation (see Table 1). These radiocarbon dates allow us to define intervals of time corresponding to different activities that resulted in specific parts of the deposits we excavated. When we examine the materials made and discarded at these different points in time, we are able to identify changing practices at Puerto Escondido over time. The earliest deposits we tested must have been created sometime prior to 1600 B.C.E. (a period we call the Sauce phase). We believe the first people here were temporary visitors processing locally available materials as part of a mobile use of a more extensive landscape (see Clark and Cheetham 2002). At some time after these visits, a long period of use of the site as a location for the construction of perishable structures began (Joyce in press). Riverine sediment deposited in between surfaces that showed the traces of these structures included the earliest examples of pottery recovered at the site. Two radiocarbon samples dating to before 1400 B.C.E. (the end of our Barahona phase, dated 1600–1400 B.C.E.) came from levels with this early pottery. Remains of early, perishable houses were covered by sediments deposited between 1400 and 1100 B.C.E. (a pe- 643 riod we call the Ocotillo phase). In one area of the settlement, we excavated the remains of ovens dating 1150 to 1100 B.C.E. that could have served for producing new pottery developed at the time (Joyce and Henderson 2003). Immediately succeeding levels date to approximately 1100– 900 B.C.E. (the Chotepe phase). At the end of this period, the sequence of remodeling of houses that had continued for centuries ended with a major architectural project that fundamentally changed the use of space in the part of the settlement near the ovens (Joyce 2004). One building was burned and razed. Under the debris of the walls, on the interior floor of this building, were large numbers of pieces of broken pottery, apparently deposited in a single rebuilding event. In every area of the settlement that we have sampled, similar pottery was included in the sequence of house remodeling deposits that yielded carbon dating to this period. Dramatic changes in material practices marked the transition to the next set of deposits, dating circa 900– 700 B.C.E. (the early Playa phase). The building razed at the beginning of this period was turned into fill for a large earthen terrace that contained at least two human burials and a number of deliberately buried complete jars (Henderson and Joyce 1998). Around the same time, in a second area of the site, other major architectural projects were initiated that eventually resulted in the creation of a massive hearth, a multistep platform with stone terraces, the construction of multiple stone cist graves, and the creation, use, and disposal of a life-sized stone sculpture of a seated human being (Joyce and Henderson 2002). Developments after these events are less dramatic until around 450 C.E., when early Classic period people buried earlier deposits under the remains of new groups of houses built without apparent consideration of earlier building locations. Direct Evidence for Foodways at Puerto Escondido The most obvious route to explore foodways in this early village would be the identification of plant remains in sediments collected and subjected to flotation. Palaeoethnobotanical analyses readily identified maize in Classic period sediments from Puerto Escondido, but the only examples of plant tissue and seeds recovered from Formative deposits (dating ca. 700–200 B.C.E.) were unidentifiable seeds, fragments of wood, and lumps of parenchymous tissue. Isotopic analysis of human remains recovered from the Talgua caves in Southeast Honduras, whose use was in part contemporary with early Puerto Escondido, also suggested maize may have been relatively unimportant (Brady et al. 2001; Herrmann 2002). These analyses suggest that in early Honduran villages, maize was an inconsequential part of the diet. Ground stone tools that could have been used for processing seeds are also absent in our excavations of Formative Period deposits at Puerto Escondido, appearing only in early Classic contexts. One plant we know was consumed by 1100 B.C.E. at Puerto Escondido was some member of the genus Theobroma, the botanical source of chocolate (Henderson and 644 American Anthropologist • Vol. 109, No. 4 • December 2007 TABLE 1. Radiocarbon dates from Puerto Escondido. Sample identification and excavation context Calibrated date (2 sigma range) Conventional radiocarbon age C13/C12 ratios Beta-129130 4BH-50 Beta-129129 4AW-107 Barahona Phase cal BC 1750–1310 cal BC 1700–1510 3250 +/− 100 BP 3320 +/− 40 BP −24.8 −24.8 Beta-154248 6A-60 Beta-154252 6A-71 Beta-154248 6A-60 Beta-154249 6A-62 Beta-129128 4AW-100 Beta-154264 7B-87B Beta-129132 4BH-65 Beta-154265 7B-87C Early Ocotillo Phase cal BC 1380–1100 cal BC 1380–1100 cal BC 1390–1110 cal BC 1390–1120 cal BC 1410–1120 cal BC 1400–1190 cal BC 1410–1210 cal BC 1440–1290 2990 +/− 40 BP 2990 +/− 40 BP 3000 +/− 40 BP 3010 +/− 40 BP 3030 +/− 50 BP 3040 +/− 40 BP 3050 +/− 40 BP 3110 +/− 40 BP −26.1 −26.7 −26.7 −25.5 −30.9 −28.2 −25.4 −27.7 2940 +/− 40 BP 2950 +/− 40 BP 2950 +/− 40 BP 2950 +/− 40 BP 2950 +/− 40 BP 2960 +/− 40 BP 2970 +/− 40 BP 2980+/− 40 BP −24.2 −30.2 −25.9 −10.2 −14.7 −21.1 −27.1 −25.2 Beta-154241 4DK-139 Beta-154251 6A-70 Beta-154253 6C-41 Beta-154240 4DK-138 Beta-154257 6C-57 Beta-154259 6C-72 Beta-154255 6C-53 Beta-154245 6A-37 Late Ocotillo Phase cal BC 1280–1010 cal BC 1290–1020 cal BC 1290–1020 cal BC 1290–1020 cal BC 1290–1020 cal BC 1300–1030 cal BC 1310–1040 cal BC 1320–1060 and cal BC 1360–1350 Beta-129134 4EC-66 Beta-154236 4DA-12 Beta-154244 4DL-109 Beta-129135 4EC-68 Beta-154237 4DC-145 Beta-129131 4BH-62 Beta-154238 4DK-111 Beta-129133 4EC-53 Beta-154246 6A-43 Beta-129127 4AV-54 cal BC 1110–900 cal BC 1110–900 cal BC 1110–900 cal BC 1120–910 cal BC 1140–920 cal BC 1140–920 cal BC 1190–930 cal BC 1210–970 cal BC 1210–970 cal BC 1260–930 2830 +/− 40 BP 2840 +/− 40 BP 2840 +/− 40 BP 2850 +/− 40 BP 2870 +/− 40 BP 2870 +/− 40 BP 2880 +/− 40 BP 2900 +/− 40 BP 2900 +/− 40 BP 2900 +/− 50 BP −26.1 −12.7 −26.7 −25.5 −26.6 −23.3 −25.3 −27.9 −26.1 −25.6 Beta-129126 4AV-50 Beta-154271 8A-94 Early Playa Phase cal BC 940–810 cal BC 1010–830 2730 +/− 40 BP 2780 +/− 40 BP −26.9 −26.1 2220 +/− 40 BP 2260 +/− 40 BP 2290 +/− 40 BP −25.8 −26.2 −25.5 1680 +/− 40 BP 1710 +/− 40 BP 1730 +/− 40 BP −25.0 −25.9 −27.2 1520 +/− 40 BP 1530 +/− 40 BP 1550 +/− 40 BP 1590 +/− 40 BP 1630 +/− 40 BP −26.9 −23.9 −27.3 −25.4 −26.2 1330 +/− 40 BP −27.2 Chotepe Phase Beta-154275 8K-30 Beta-154272 8D-68 Beta-154276 8K-31C Late Playa Phase cal BC 390–180 cal BC 400–200 cal BC 400–350 and 300–220 Beta-154273 8J-6B Beta-154269 8A-65 Beta-154270 8A-69 Late Chamelecon Phase cal AD 250–430 cal AD 240–420 cal AD 230–410 Beta-154262 7B-57C Beta-129125 4AU-60 Beta-154243 4DL-39 Beta-154274 8J-11B Beta-154268 8A-50B cal AD 430–630 cal AD 430–620 cal AD 420–610 cal AD 400–560 cal AD 350–530 Beta-154261 7B-30 cal AD 650–770 Early Ulua Phase Late Ulúa Phase Note: All samples are charcoal. Beta Analytic calendar calibrations calculated with calibration data published in Radiocarbon, vol. 40 (1998), using the cubic spline fit mathematics published by Talma and Vogel (1993). Joyce and Henderson • From Feasting to Cuisine 645 TABLE 2. Sherds of individual vessels from Puerto Escondido with confirmed evidence of cacao residues. Phase Playa (900–200 B.C.E.) Chotepe (1100–900 B.C.E.) Ocotillo (1400–1100 B.C.E.) Excavation context 8K-31 4DC-23 4DC-104 4DC-116 4DC-118 4DC-118 4DC-130 4DC-130 4DL-107 4DM-17 4DK-136 Vessel surface treatment type and form Bodega Brown Burnished Type, bottle spout Bonilla Yellow-Brown Type, open bowl with flaring walls Boliche Black Type, base of open bowl with vertical walls Bonilla Yellow-Brown Type, fugitive red, open bowl with flaring walls Urbe Pattern Burnished Type, jar Boliche Black Type, open bowl with flaring walls Fı́a Metallic Gray Type, open bowl with flaring walls Boliche Black Type, open bowl with flaring walls Boliche Black Type, open bowl with flaring walls Fı́a Metallic Gray Type, open bowl with flaring walls Barraca Brown Type, bottle neck Note: Data provided by Patrick E. McGovern of the Museum Applied Science Center for Archaeology, University of Pennsylvania Museum, Philadelphia. Joyce 2006). Plants in the genus are the only known sources in the region for theobromine, one of the active chemicals in chocolate (Bletter and Daly 2006; Kufer and McNeill 2006; Ogata et al. 2006). The distinctive distribution of plants yielding theobromine and caffeine has been exploited as a means to detect residues of cacao drinks in porous, low-fired pottery typical of Central American sites, ever since the technique was first tested successfully on vessels that had inscriptions identifying their contents as cacao (Hall et al. 1990; Hurst 2006). Prior analyses have relied on residues contained inside intact vessels. Using a different method to extract samples from the interior of fragments, Patrick McGovern succeeded in extracting samples from 13 pieces of broken vessels from Puerto Escondido (see Table 2). Eleven tested positive for traces of diagnostic chemicals, theobromine and caffeine, in analyses by three different labs using a mixture of extraction and detection methods (Henderson et al. 2007). Indirect Evidence for Foodways at Puerto Escondido Fragments of pottery vessels are the single most abundant category of material remains from Puerto Escondido. To date, we have recorded information on over 20,000 individual potsherds. About 70 percent of this pottery comes from Formative Period deposits. Approximately 3,500 potsherds recorded in detail came from a single deposit deposited between 1000 and 900 B.C.E. This event was probably not typical of everyday pottery use at the site at the time, and we suggest it is the residue of a shared meal marking a remodeling event. Other sherds from Formative Period deposits were incorporated in sediments covering house floors and may be more typical of everyday pottery. A sample of approximately 10,000 sherds from such contexts provides the basis for our characterization of vessels used at the site, complemented for the period 1100–900 B.C.E. by the 3,500 sherds from the special deposit. Over time, there were changes in the set of vessel forms that were made and used, implying changes in the ways that foods were prepared and served. The earliest sherds we recovered were from well-made, thin-walled, carefully decorated vessels (see Table 3). There are no large jars in collections from before 1100 B.C.E. that might be appropriate for storing large quantities of food. Nor do we have any potsherds with evidence of use in cooking from these early levels. Instead, before 1400 B.C.E., we find open bowls and round-sided bowls with incurved rims (tecomates). These red-clay slip or dark brown–black vessels are decorated with groups of punctations made with the edge of a shell. Red slip was used as a band around the rim of some vessels. The tecomates we have recorded in our earliest samples have particularly small mouth openings, while the bowls fall into two groups at the medium to large end of the spectrum of sizes recorded overall for bowls at the site. After approximately 1400 B.C.E., this limited set of vessel forms was expanded with the addition of the first bottles recovered from the site (see Figure 2). These have globular bodies, often shaped as effigies of squashes, with a single, centrally placed cylindrical spout four to six centimeters in diameter. Bowl size range is expanded to include bowls larger and smaller than the medium and large size ranges previously found. In addition to smaller tecomates overlapping in size with those of the previous period, a group of incurved rim bowls with wider mouth openings was recovered. The decoration of these vessels changed, with dentate stamped designs dropping out of fashion. Some vessels (including some of the new bottles) have geometric designs painted in red, with both the red designs and the brown background polished to a lustrous finish. A few vessels have white slipped zones, sometimes combined with contrasting red zones. Individual sherds preserve traces of a bright pink slip, a purple-red slip with particles of silvery iron minerals, and a black slip with a metallic appearance that may be based on graphite. (These are so fragmented that we do not know what vessel form they decorated, and so the type names are not listed separately in Table 3.) A number of the larger tecomates and larger bowls were finished with a uniform matte surface that was polished in zoned designs with a narrow tool that formed linear marks. These patternburnished vessels had zones of diagonal lines alternating in direction or crossing each other to form lattices, subtle patterns that reflect light more than the unburnished areas around them. 646 American Anthropologist • Vol. 109, No. 4 • December 2007 TABLE 3. Changes in ceramic vessel forms at Puerto Escondido, 1600–200 B.C.E. Phase and dates Barahona (1600–1400 B.C.E.) Vessel form round-sided, flaring bowls (diameter 16–20 cm and 26–28 cm) Type name Buenavista Brown Coronel Red on Brown Usula Dentate Stamped incurved rim bowl (tecomate) (diameter 5–10 cm) Lega Black Buenavista Brown Surface finish details glossy surface with some patterned burnishing red rim band, some patterned burnishing impressed marks made with the edge of a shell on smoothed red, brown, or black surface black surfaces, smoothed Coronel Red on Brown Lega Black Usula Dentate Stamped Ocotillo (1400–1100 B.C.E.) flaring open bowls (diameter 12– 18 cm, 24–26 cm, and 30–34 cm) Barraca Brown Rosa Red on Brown Urbe Unslipped Tiza White incurved rim bowl (tecomate); some with short vertical neck (diameter 6–12 cm and 16–20 cm) bottles with central cylindrical spouts (spout diameter 4–6 cm) glossy brown surface, some grooved lines glossy brown surface, red geometric designs patterned burnishing on brushed or matte surfaces, black to brown glossy white slip, some glossy red bands Barraca Brown Urbe Unslipped Rosa Red on Brown Barraca Brown glossy brown surface, some bodies with grooves and modeling suggesting squashes Rosa Red on Brown Chotepe (1100–900 B.C.E.) bowls with flat bases and flaring or vertical walls (diameter 18–28 cm) Boliche Black Fı́a Metallic Grey Bonilla Yellow-Brown Sukah Differentially Fir ...
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