anthropology food writing final essay-yjia


Question Description

My topic is Japanese food and Japanese food culture influences to USA.

This paper needs an interview part, you can make up this part, say you interviews your friend about his/her attitude of GMOs food, will he/her choose to buy GMOs food. The detailed writing requirement is post below, please check. And need 15 citations. 5 book resources are post in the attached file.


A biocultural examination of your chosen topic

  • 1500-2000 words
  • Bio-cultural—both a biological anthropological and a cultural examination
  • Use your Interview or observation to explain the topic you chose.It is most effective if you use that person as the lens through which you view the topic.
  • If you used the presentation either as a short first draft or as a presentation of just one aspect of your research, now flesh out the project.
  • Bibliography should include:
    • 5 Academic/scholarly sources (from your first assignment)
    • 5 Readings from the course (preferably more)
    • At least 5 other sources/readings (preferably more)
    • See item 2 under peer evaluations
  • Pay attention to feedback on your assignments and ask for help if we haven’t been clear.

Requirements checklist for presentation and final paper:

  • Examine your chosen subject scientifically and culturally.
  • Study a living person or people by doing ONE of the following:
    • One Interview !!!!!!!!! OR One observation (you are welcome to do more, but you only have to do one of either).
  • Relate your research to at least 15 (more is better) resources—
    • 5 from your initial scholarly literature search in the first project assignment,
    • 5 course readings (readings assigned in the syllabus) and
    • 5 other sources that you have discovered in your research. Ask Dr. O'Bryan if you have questions about how to do this.
  • Include both Science and Culture in discussion of your chosen topic.

This is my presentation, you can you is as references.

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Nutritional Anthropology, Volum 25, Number 1 Nutritional Anthropology is the official publication of the Council on Nutritional Anthropology, a unit of the American Anthropological Association. The mission of the Council on Nutritional Anthropology (CNA) is to foster understanding of the role of food and nutrition in the history of the human experience. Nutritional Anthropology promotes this understanding by publishing refereed articles, research reports, business news, and book reports on issues of vital importance to the discipline, drawing on all subfields of anthropology and from cognate disciplines. Members are encouraged to submit news stories, letters, feature length articles for peer review, book reviews, research reports, or commentaries for possible inclusion in the publication. Author and style guidelines should follow the American Anthropologist format, available on request or at Submissions can be sent as an email attachment or a word processed disk plus 3 copies of the printed work to the address below. Nutritional Anthropology is published twice annually in the fall and spring. Deadlines for final, accepted, edited versions of papers for the fall issue is September 1, deadline for the spring issue is February 15. Members receive Nutritional Anthropology as a benefit of membership in CNA, and non-members may subscribe for USS 10.00 annually. Individual issues may be purchased at the rate of S4.00 per issue for members of the AAA, and $6.00 for non-members. Changes of address, subscriptions and single issue purchases are handled through the American Anthropological Association Publications Office, which can be reached at: AAA 4350 North Fairfax Drive, Suite 640 Arlington, VA 22203-1902 USA telephone 703/528-1902 fax 703/528-3546 To submit articles or other materials for possible publication, address them to the Editor of Nutritional Anthropology: Miriam Chaiken, Editor Dept. of Anthropology G12 McElhaney Hall Indiana U of Perm Indiana, PA 15705 telephone 724/357-3932 email Copyright © 2002 American Anthropological Association -ISSN 1537-1735 2QOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO< Editor's Note The following collection of articles were all first presented in a session of papers co-sponsored by the Council on Nutritional Anthropology and the Public Health Division of the Society for Nutrition Education. The purpose of the session was to identify ways to foster better understanding and collaboration between nutritional anthropologists and colleagues in nutrition sciences. Given the important common themes these papers explore, it seems appropriate to publish these as a coherent collection. Each of the articles was independently peer reviewed and the authors have all graciously incorporated revisions in this published version. My thanks to the four authors and all the anonymous reviewers for their thought and hard work in making this collection possible. "You Are What You Eat And You Eat What You Are." The Role Of Nutritional Anthropology In Public Health Nutrition And Nutrition Education David A. Himmelgreen University of South Florida Department of Anthropology Email: dhimmelg@chuma 1 Introduction In 1825 Brillat-Savarin wrote, "tell me what you eat and I will tell you who you are" in his publication Physiologie du gout, ou Meditations de Gastronomie Transcendante (p.4). Perhaps this variation on a very common theme- the idea that there is an intimate relationship among culture, food and biologyshould be the motto of nutritional anthropology. Regardless of the level of training the nutritional anthropologist has in the biological aspects of human nutrition, the most basic premise in nutritional anthropology is that the definition of food, its symbolic meanings, its uses, and the social context in which it is consumed or avoided are in large part determined by culture. In turn, culture is in dynamic interaction with biology, the physical environment, and with other social and economic forces, In the end, you are what you eat and you eat what you are! Nutritional Anthropology, Volume 25, Number 1 Beyond the theoretical and philosophical implications of this premise is a more practical public health question that is asked but often not sufficiently answered. How do we get people to consume foods that promote health and reduce the risk of disease? In an era where unhealthy eating is the norm and problems such as obesity are widespread, educators, clinicians, and researchers are keenly aware of the need to develop nutrition education programs that work. One reason cited for the lack of success in nutrition education has been the lack of attention given to culture as a determinant of food consumption patterns and foods habits. A 'one size fits all' model does not work, and instead, the emphasis should be on cultural tailoring of programs and cultural competency among the individuals and institutions that administer them. With its bio-cultural framework and methods, Nutritional anthropology is uniquely positioned to advance knowledge on the development of effective strategies in nutrition education. This article has three goals relating the application of nutritional anthropology to public health nutrition and nutrition education. First, to briefly review the history of nutritional anthropology with an emphasis on the topical areas and approaches that are useful in public health nutrition and nutrition education. Second, to discuss the bio-cultural perspective and to examine various theoretical models and methods. In particular, ecological, adaptation, and the political economy of health models will be discussed. Methods unique to anthropology such as participant observation and the emic and etic constructions of the relationship between food and health and disease will also be presented. Last, to provide examples of the application of nutritional anthropology to public health nutrition problems and the development of culturally appropriate nutrition education programs. Ultimately, this paper is intended to encourage collaborations between nutritional anthropologists and nutritionists and to document some of the longstanding anthropological innovations that are currently being used in nutrition. What is Nutritional Anthropology? The overarching goal in anthropology is to "understand human biological and cultural variability by analyzing the differences within and among human groups, past and present" (Johnston 1987: ix). The utilization of a holistic approach and the fact that anthropology extends back in time provides a powerful perspective for understanding the evolution of human food use and its consequences for health. This perspective is carried over into the nutritional anthropology. Pelto et al. (2000) have defined nutritional anthropology as being "fundamentally concerned with understanding the interrelationships of biological and social forces in shaping human food use and the nutritional status of individuals and populations" (p. 1). Johnston (1987) adds "nutritional anthropology is that branch of anthropology which deals with nutrition as a process and science" (p. ix). Process refers to the ways in 'which humans utilize food to meet the requirements of biological and behavioral functioning' (1987: ix) and the science pertains to the chemical processing and biological use of food (Kreuter 1980). Hence, depending on one's interests and expertise, there are nutritional anthropologists that focus on the process side of nutrition, others that work in the science of the biology of nutrition, and in some cases, a few that are capable of looking at process and science. Finally, nutritional anthropology falls not just within the purview of anthropology but also of other disciplines such as sociology, food studies, nutrition, public health, and human biology. Nutritional Anthropology: Past and Present In 1974 the Committee on Nutritional Anthropology was organized in response to the increased interest in the intersection of the social sciences and human nutrition. Providing a forum for the exchange of ideas among scientists in different fields, the committee would later on become the Council on Nutritional Anthropology (CNA), a section of the American Anthropological Association. Today, the CNA has the following objectives: to encourage research and exchange of ideas, theories, and methods; to provide a forum for communication and interaction; and to promote practical collaboration among social and nutritional scientists (CNA 1998). In particular, the Council promotes the understanding of sociocultural, behavioral, and political-economic factors related to food and nutrition issues. While the professional recognition of nutritional anthropology is recent, there is a relatively long and rich history of food and nutrition research in anthropology. What follows is a brief review of some of that history, including examples of research relevant to the topic at hand. For a more comprehensive review of the field Nutritional Anthropology, Volume 25# Number 1 see Messer (1984), Johnston (1987), Counihan and Esterik (1997), and Goodman et al. (2000). Early on, anthropologists were interested on how the rules for food production, distribution, and consumption formed the basis for social organization in non-industrial societies (Messer 1984). Many of these studies focused on economics and social organization in relation to local resources and on how social cooperation in the acquisition and distribution of food varied across different subsistence systems (Firth 1929, 1936). A major goal of this research was to better understand the structure and evolution of social organization and culture in general (Messer 1984). Prior to the Second World War, British social anthropologists were interested in the interrelationships among the food supply, social organization, and nutrition in Colonial Africa. For example, in the classic study of the Bemba of Northern Rhodesia, Richards (1939) dispelled the myth that African workers were lazy and indolent, and instead showed that their work productivity was limited by changes in social organization, which resulted in under-nutrition. Richards documented that food production levels went down as men were drawn away from their traditional roles in agriculture to work in the mines and other British-controlled wage labor. In the U.S. meanwhile, as part of the larger "culture and personality school," American anthropologists were using a psychosocial approach for understanding cultures, and in particular, ethnic and national personality types (Kardiner 1945). While misguided because of the difficulty in characterizing national personality types, this effort was thought to be prudent at the time when the storm clouds of war gathered. Mead, among others, was interested in food habits ("ethnic foodways") with the goal to understand how attitudes toward food developed during childhood and the ease to which these food habits could be changed (Committee on Food Habits 1943, Mead 1962). The U.S. government needed this information in light of anticipated food rationing during the war. Following the Second World War, there was increased interest in symbolic or semiotic research on food prohibitions, prescriptions, and the meaning of foods in terms of social identity and social relations (e.g., male-female relations, social status, and class). For example, Levi-Strauss (1963, 1966) examined the relationship between food symbolism and totems and found that food rules cement group identity and define social rank, status and power (Sahlins 1972). More recently, symbolic studies of food have been conducted in industrialized nations and countries undergoing economic transition. For instance, the high consumption of Coca-Cola in the Yucatan Peninsula- a drink virtually unknown to Mayan Indians 25 years ago- has been associated with the belief that this soft-drink is healthy, and with the high status associated with it as a Western item (Goodman et al. 2000). Likewise, the widespread success of McDonalds and other fast-food chains reflects the success of advertising companies and marketing campaigns to define what it means to be "American" (Kottak 1978). Beginning in the 1950s, the work of Harris and other cultural materialists was applied to the study of food and nutrition. Since cultural materialism views cultural systems and behaviors as evolved adaptations (Harris 1968), subsistence strategies and food habits by extension, represent adaptations to meet the nutritional needs of the group in a particular ecological setting. Harris (1978) used the example of the prohibition against eating beef among Hindus to illustrate that while there is a religious explanation for this prohibition (cow worship), ultimately the reason behind the prohibition is the fact that cows contribute to the material needs of the population through their draft power, dung, milk, and the leather products that they provide after natural death. Other materialist explanations have been posited for Aztec cannibalism (Hamer 1977), the prohibition against eating pork among Muslims and Jews (Harris 1974), and animal taboos in South America (Ross 1978). However, while at first glance many of the materialist analyses seem plausible, they have been criticized because of their lack of supporting data (Ross 1978, Chagnon and Hames 1979). Later on, studies in human ecology "attempted to widen and refine the understanding of social and cultural components of material systems" (Messer 1984: 428). In his classic study of the Maring of New Guinea, Rappaport (1968) showed how ritualized pig festivals regulated the distribution of highquality protein. Other human ecology studies on food and nutrition have shown how food-processing techniques are used to detoxify some foods (e.g., cyanide in bitter manioc root) while enhancing the nutritional quality of other foods (niacin in maize) (Dufour 1995, Katz et al. 1974). Nutritional Anthropology, Volume 25, Number 1 Since the 1980s, there has been a steady increase in nutrition research in biological anthropology. The main reasons for this are the increased prominence of nutrition in public health and the "centrality of diet as an issue in human adaptation and evolution" (Huss-Ashmore 1992: 155). In biological anthropology nutritional status and functional outcomes are usually the dependent variables, while cultural and behavioral factors are treated as the independent variables. Some studies focus on social epidemiology, where the roles of social factors on the etiology of a nutrition-related condition are identified (Pelto et al. 2000). For instance, attitudes favoring short duration breast-feeding may compromise infant health, especially in environments where food insecurity is prevalent. Other studies focus on biological adaptations (longer-term genetic and shorter-term developmental and physiological adaptations) to particular ecosystems. Examples of this kind of research include studies on the "thrifty-genotype" (Neel 1962), the "short-but healthy" hypothesis (Martorell et al. 1981, Messer 1986), and seasonality and nutritional status (Huss-Ashmore 1988; Simondonetal 1993, Himmelgreen and Romero-Daza 1994). Biological anthropologists have also studied the nutritional bases of certain behavioral disorders such as artic hysteria and calcium deficiency (Fouks 1972), and geographical distribution of population differences in digestion and metabolism (e.g., lactose) (Kretchmer 1975). Another area in which nutritional anthropology has had a role is nutrition and economic development. In particular, research in this area often deals with the impact of economic development on diet and on the ways to improve the nutrition of people in developing countries (Den Hartof and BornsteinJohannson 1976). Some of the research conducted in this area includes how the changing economic roles of women have affected food production, preparation, and distribution (Cowan 1978); the impact of cash-cropping on local food self-sufficiency (Dewey 1980); the nutritional needs of refugee populations (Sellen 2000), and the growing problem of obesity in countries undergoing economic transition and among migrant populations (Martorell et al. 1998, Popkin 2001, Himmelgreen et al. 2001a). Although the previous discussion is not an exhaustive review of the nutritional anthropology literature, it does touch upon some of the approaches that might be useful in public health nutrition and nutrition education. The next section deals with the theoretical underpinnings of the bio-cultural approach and various theoretical models used in nutritional anthropology. The Bio-cultural Perspective and Models in Nutritional Anthropology The bio-cultural perspective in nutritional anthropology incorporates theory and methods from both the biological and social sciences. Additionally, the humanities provide data through the examination of the cultural and historical aspects of food (Pelto et al. 2000). Depending on the focus of research, nutritional anthropologists may use different heuristic models to examine the relationship between biology and culture in relationship to food and nutrition (Pelto et al. 2000). What follows is a brief discussion of ecological, adaptation, and political economic models, three of the models that are particularly useful in public health nutrition and nutrition education. The Ecological Model Although several ecological models have been proposed over the years, there is a common framework in all of them, which is the intersection of the social and physical environments, and their affects on food and nutrition (Steward 1972, White 1949). In the model proposed by Jerome and colleagues (1980)- and further discussed by Pelto et al. (2000), the physical environment includes the climate, water resources, soil characteristics, and flora and fauna. The social environment refers to the role that other social groups have on the food and nutrition behaviors of the study population. Social organization refers to the social institutions and the functions they maintain with regard to food production, distribution, and consumption. Technology is the innovations and tools associated with food production, distribution, storage, and processing. Culture refers to the ideas and beliefs about food. While this model does not show all the possible interactions, it is a powerful heuristic device for understanding the role that the physical and social environment has in shaping food and nutrition patterns. Nutritional Anthropology, Volume 25, Numbar 1 The Adaptation Model The physical and social environments are often limiting and present a set of challenges. The ways in which humans cope and adjust to these challenges is referred to as the adaptive process. Humans adjust to these challenges via biological adaptations (i.e., genetic, developmental, and physiological) and cope with them through cultural and behavioral adjustments. Biological adaptations to nutritional stress can include body weight fluctuations in response to seasonal food scarcity (Huss-Ashmore 1988, Himmelgreen and Romero-Daza 1994), the plasticity of human body size in relationship to environmental resources (Bogin 1988), and the genetic variability of lactose sufficiency to maintain lactase tolerance and the ability to drink fresh milk products (Kretchmer 1975). Cultural and behavioral adaptations include different food processing (e.g., detoxification of cyanide-containing cassava) and preservation techniques (e.g., salting and curing, smoking), ritual feasting, use of high-yield grains, and food assistance. The Political Economy of Health Model The political economy of health perspective has been used in various anthropological sub-fields including archaeology, human biology, human ecology, and medical anthropology (Goodman and Leatherman 1998, Thomas 1998, Singer 1998, Martin 1998, and Hvalkof and ...
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Running head: ATHROPOLOGY

Japanese Food and Japanese Food Culture Influences to USA
Course Number
State, University



Japanese Food and Japanese Food Culture Influences to USA
The topic of exploration is the Japanese food and the impact of the Japanese food on the
culture of the United States. A close evaluation of the history of the food culture of the people of
Japan depicts that the individuals used to consume rice as the stable food 2000 years ago. The
ancient or the traditional rice was served together with the vegetables, the marine products and
fish. Since the reopening of the Japan to the west the country has significantly developed a
varied food culture that entails the ancient Japanese food cuisine and the foreign dishes A Right
to Food, (2006). A close evaluation of the Japanese cuisine depicts that the food culture of Japan
has been impacted by the food cultures of other countries. Despite the influence, the individuals
of Japan have adopted their individual and unique style of preparing the food substances.
The initial influence of the Japan food from other countries occurred in 300 BC whereby
the food culture of the country was influenced by China (Joyce and Anderson, n.d). It is from
China that the Japanese individuals learnt on how to prepare and cook rice. The spread of the
Japanese food in America has significantly influenced the culture of the United States. The
consuming of the soy sauce and the use of chopsticks in Japan emerged as a result of the
influence from China. Through the evaluation of the interview that was carried out, the paper
explores on the Japanese food and the impact of the Japanese food on the culture of the United
States. The Japanese food has significantly impacted on the culture of the United States (Joyce
and Anderson, n.d). A critical analysis of the information that was ascertained from the interview
depicts that the aspect of immigration contributed to the existence of the Japanese food in the
United States (Japanese Food Culture, n.d).
Following the high quality of the Japanese food in the United States, most of the
Americans have increased their interests towards the consumption of the Japanese food



substances. A critical evaluation of the carried interview depicts that the Japanese food was
introduced in ...

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Tutor went the extra mile to help me with this essay. Citations were a bit shaky but I appreciated how well he handled APA styles and how ok he was to change them even though I didnt specify. Got a B+ which is believable and acceptable.

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