Writing
anthropology writing,

Question Description

Total word count: 950

The word “heart” appears in one way and another in readings in Weeks 1 and 2.

1.Consider how the idea of the heart is important in each of the readings and the films for the week (don’t just rely on the titles; “heart” is an important concept in at least one reading that does not mention the word ‘heart’ in the title), and, now that you have finished DisciplinedHearts,

2. put all these "heart" readings in conversation with each other : In other words, even though they may not refer to each other at all, how do they talk about the same things relating to the heart directly (and indirectly). Analyze the different ways that heart is invoked and conceptualized in relation to self and its relation to emotion. For example, why does O’Nell call her book Disciplined Hearts ? Whatdoes she mean by "disciplined hearts?" How does that compare with the Balinese and their efforts to manage their hearts? With Sugiyama san in Shall We Dance ? What does Rebhun mean by “a heart too full?” Try to teach your colleagues about these readings rather than answering the professor’s assignment.

Reading list (no outside resources needed, only use all the list resources, 2 films, one O'nell book, 3 attached file reading):

Film: Shall We Dance? (2004 film)

Film: Dreamgirls (film)

In Disciplined Hearts,Theresa DeLeane O Nell.

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A Heart Too Full: The Weight of Love in Northeast Brazil Author(s): L. A. Rebhun Reviewed work(s): Source: The Journal of American Folklore, Vol. 107, No. 423, Bodylore (Winter, 1994), pp. 167-180 Published by: American Folklore Society Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/541078 . Accessed: 20/12/2012 17:36 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp . JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org. . American Folklore Society is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to The Journal of American Folklore. http://www.jstor.org This content downloaded on Thu, 20 Dec 2012 17:36:48 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions L. A. REBHUN A Heart Too Full: The Weightof Lovein NortheastBrazil Brazilian women'sfolk ailmentsexpressdisallowedemotions,especiallyanger,and conflictsovertheirobligationto love theirhusbandand childrenselflessly.Linguistic andfolkloristic evidenceis used to show that thefolk ailmentpeito aberto (open chest) is a metaphorfor the burdenof having too many people with too many demandson a woman's heart. THE HUMAN BODY IS NOT ONLY A physical entity but also an integral part of a symbol system expressing both the microcosm of self and the macrocosm of physical and social world. Social relations are often described with body metaphors, and concepts of the body's nature are used to justify and sustain social structures (Bourdieu 1977; Cowan 1990; Foucault 1978; Scheper-Hughes and Lock 1987). In this essay I describe women, anger, love, and the body in Caruaru, a city in Brazil's impoverished Northeast region. Aspects of Emotion Emotion is simultaneously body state, ideology, habitus, performance, set of glosses, set of roles, and individual experience (Averill 1982; Ekman 1984; Kleinman and Good 1985; Lutz 1982, 1988; Lutz and White 1986; Rosaldo 1984). Emotions, like thoughts, have related body states (Averill 1982). But they are described, expressed, and experienced through language (Lutz 1982, 1988), gesture and facial expression (Ekman 1984), and all the minutiae of practice that make up culture (Bourdieu 1977). In addition, emotional proprieties are culturally delimited so that individuals feel morally obligated to express or to deny particular sentiments in particular circumstances. While emotion is so culturally constructed that its stimulus, definition, expression, and meaning vary widely from culture to culture and within cultures over time, each cultural group believes that the way it currently constructs emotion is natural and thus immutable. Emotion discourse tends to support the status quo by portraying sociomoral concepts as natural phenomena. L. A. Rebhun is a postdoctoral fellow at PreventionResearchCenter Folklore Copyright? 1994, AmericanFolkloreSociety. JournalofAmerican 1{07(423):167-180. This content downloaded on Thu, 20 Dec 2012 17:36:48 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 168 Journalof AmericanFolklore107 (1994) Many anthropologists have focused on the vocabulary of emotion in various languages (see Lutz 1982; Lutz and White 1986); the relationship between emotional expression and emotion glosses shows its interpersonal, performative character (Crapanzano 1989; Hochschild 1983).' James Averill has shown how emotion terms divide the emotion spectrum according to moral concepts, lumping together or separating glossed emotions in a process isolated from physiological manifestations of emotional arousal (1982). But speech is not the only medium in which emotions are expressed. Folk ailments can be a kind of metaphorical gloss in which the emotion is written on the body of the bearer in the form of illness. Emotion experience and expression vary by role within groups. Gender roles, for example, contain both implicit and explicit emotional expectations, which vary cross-culturally. Both sexes are imprisoned within the expectations of their emotionally informed social roles. In Northeast Brazil, the woman's role is largely defined by the obligation to love and the suppression of anger. In this essay, I will be concerned with how both love (amor) and anger (raiva) are expressed by women through the related folk ailments of mau olhado (evil eye) and peito aberto(open chest), which shed light on women's attitudes toward their bodies, their strength, and the web of emotions which shadows and informs social relations. Mau olhado and peito aberto are part of a set of Northeast Brazilian folk ailments which also include nervos (nerves), espinela caida (fallen spine), and spirit attacks. These will be described in a subsequent essay. Here, after describing Caruaru and the practice of folk Catholic healers (rezadeiras),I will consider linguistic, social, and emotional aspects of mau olhado and peito aberto. In the process I hope to illuminate how women in Caruaru view their bodies and emotional obligations. Research and Fieldsite From December 1988 to December 1990, I conducted anthropological research in the interior of the Northeast Brazilian state of Pernambuco. My data are drawn from a combination of direct and participant observation and 120 tape-recorded interviews with women and men. These interviews started with demographic issues such as birthplace and marital status, and then moved on to emotional vocabulary, not only words informants class as dealing with emotion (sentimento),but also the words they use to describe body states that they see as integral to sentimento. Finally, the interviews included open-ended questions to elicit life-history stories. I also interviewed religious healers and their patients about emotion-related folk medical complaints, and observed healing practices. I worked mainly in Caruaru (population 200,000) and neighboring villages, located two hours by bus inland from the Pernambuco state capital of Recife. Caruaru is the second-largest city in the state and as such is regarded as a minicapital and a commercial center. It is most famous for its weekly market fairs at which ceramic figurines and block prints depicting rural life are sold to tourists, and food, clay dishes, and clothing are sold to locals. Although the This content downloaded on Thu, 20 Dec 2012 17:36:48 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Rebhun, The Weightof Lovein NortheastBrazil 169 tourist industry is more famous, the clothing industry is more economically important, especially the blue jeans industry. Hamuche and Sabra have large blue jeans factories in the city, and mostly female pieceworkers assemble and topstitch jeans at home. Caruaru has a few smallfavelas (squatter settlements), but most of the population lives in owned or rented houses in poor and working-class neighborhoods, many of which are mixtures of legalized and shanty-type housing. Many inhabitants of Caruaru migrated there from the small farms and rural homesteads to the east of the city (Agreste region) or the arid cowboy country to the west (Sertio region). The city's folklore draws from these two distinct geographicocultural regions. "Caruaruenses" retain the small-town outlook of their origins: despite its relatively large population, Caruaru is organized like a series of villages. Residents know their immediate neighbors very well, and city blocks are often inhabited by single extended families. However, few people have friends living more than a few blocks away. My informants are drawn from the lower working class of Caruaru and its surrounding rural area and nearby villages. They include housewives, pieceworkers, seamstresses, bakers, and clay artisans married to factory workers, painters, mechanics, and peddlers. The Rezadeira Northeast Brazil is as heterodox in its medical as in its religious systems. As in other Latin American countries, the majority of the population receives its primary health care from folk practitioners. These include herbalists, lay pharmacists, popular doctors, and religious healers from the Catholic, Protestant, Kardecist Spiritist, Japanese, and Afro-Brazilian traditions, as well as many healers who use combinations of herbs, pharmaceuticals, and syncretic rituals in their cures (Loyola 1984; Nations 1982, 1983; Nations and Rebhun 1988a; de Oliveira 1985; Scott 1986). The majority of the Brazilian population is at least nominally Catholic. Many consult folk Catholic rezadeiraswho use prayers, advice, herbs, and pharmaceuticals in their treatments of common ailments. Of rural origin, rezadeiras now flourish in cities, where crowding and poor sanitation increase sickness. And whereas rural Catholic healers are as likely to be men (rezadores)as women (rezadeiras),in cities, most are women and the majority of their patients are also women. The rezadeira not only treats ailments but also serves as an example of piety and reinforces concepts of virtue. The most common ailments brought to rezadeiras are mau olhado (evil eye),' said to be caused by other people's envy or anger, and peito aberto (open chest), said to be caused by carrying too much weight, although these do not constitute their entire repertoire. While some rezadeiras specialize in such problems as snakebites, choking, or veterinary diseases, all in addition treat at least mau olhado, from which any living thing may suffer, and peito aberto, which is said to affect older children and adults, especially women. There is a large literature on evil eye, which is found in Mediterranean, Middle Eastern, and Latin This content downloaded on Thu, 20 Dec 2012 17:36:48 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 170 journalof AmericanFolklore107 (1994) American cultures (see especially Dundes 1981; Foster 1972; Maloney 1976), but the less common peito aberto has received less attention in the literature. Rezadeiras treat patients with ritual combinations of prayers and gestures (see Nations and Rebhun 1988a:33). Waving a leaf in the sign of the cross over the patient's body, they recite mixtures of common Catholic prayers and folkloric invocations. For example, one rezadeira described her treatment for mau olhado: I pray the Lord's Prayer, Apostle's Creed, Hail Mary, Hail Holy Queen, then olhado I pray like this: I say, "With two you were put on," that's the two eyes, isn't it? "With three I take you off," that's with the powers of the three people of the Holy Trinity. Pray this three times and the olhado heals. While praying, the rezadeira sways, trembles, sweats, and yawns. These signs indicate that the "heat" of mau olhado is passing through the leaf and the body of the rezadeira as it leaves the patient. In cases of peito aberto, further treatment is required after the mau olhado prayer. Thirty-four year old Cleide was a typical case:3 Cleide had been suffering from chest pains, a feeling of weight on her chest, and shortness of breath. After praying over her for mau olhado, Dona Maria Rezadeira measured a string twice against Cleide's forearm and then looped it around her chest, showing a gap of a few inches. Exclaiming about how the measured portion of the string was not long enough to close over Cleide's "opened" chest, she then tied it around the chest and, mumbling a prayer, made the sign of the cross over the sternum and gently pushed inward on Cleide's breasts and ribcage. Dona Maria then untied the string, measured it again against the forearm, and looped it once more on Cleide's chest, this time showing that the string length was sufficient to tie. Declaring Cleide's chest now closed, Dona Maria recommended that Cleide refrain from lifting weight for a few days. With her prayers and with the sign of the cross, the rezadeira not only "closes" the woman's body against invasion by evil influences, she calls down divine strength to support her. The gesture of the cross also serves to remind the woman of the courageous example of Christ, whom she, as a pious Catholic, must strive to emulate. The ritual heals because it acknowledges the woman's pain, offers the presence of a supportive deity, and reminds the woman not only that her suffering is not as great as it might possibly be but also that her suffering has meaning and virtue. Even if her family does not appreciate or even seem to notice the sacrifice that she makes for them, the ritual assures her that none less than Christ himself notices and approves. Neither mau olhado nor peito aberto are necessarily believed supernatural phenomena. Mau olhado is attributed to the force of other people's envy, anger, or resentment hitting the patient, entering her body, and causing sickness. There is no act involved, such as casting evil eye; it is seen as a natural result of the existence of envy and resentment, neither an act of malice nor a supernatural phenomenon (cf. Dundes 1981; Foster 1972; Maloney 1976). One rezadeira explained: This content downloaded on Thu, 20 Dec 2012 17:36:48 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Brazil Rebhun,TheWeightofLovein Northeast 171 Some people think that evil eye is a supernaturalthing, but it isn't. It's that no one likes when others are angryor jealous. And we alwaysfeel the feelings of others in the same way that we can see and hear. So we stay nervous, thinkingof what could happen.Everyone is afraidto be abandonedor attacked.So the fear, the anger,the anxietycombineand the personstayssick. So you have to protectwith the powersof God, calm, and also improvethe situationfor the person to get better. Anyone, male or female, can give mau olhado inadvertently, although women are stereotyped as more resentful and thus more likely to cast mau olhado than men. Even more than mau olhado, peito aberto has a mundane etiology: it is said to be caused by lifting too much weight. Women are more susceptible to peito aberto than men for a variety of reasons. The most common explanation rezadeiras gave me was that women's bodies are open because their genitals are open in form. Defloration, pregnancy, and childbirth open their bodies even more, while men remain with closed genitals and closed bodies (cf. Robben 1988:115). This, however, does not explain why the chest is considered open in peito aberto; mau olhado does not enter by way of the genitals. Rezadeiras also told me that carrying extra weight forces the chest open, allowing mau olhado to enter, sickening the patient. Peso (weight) refers both to physical heaviness and to seriousness. Carrying weight is certainly important in women's daily routine, which includes lifting, carrying, and manipulating many heavy objects. They carry food from the marketplace, they lift and carry infants and children, they scrub and wring clothes heavy with water and then lift them to hang, and they lift furniture out of the way to clean floors. In houses that are not served by running water, women must walk to public faucets or rivers and then carry heavy buckets of water back home. Women also say that they carry responsibilities or troubles as a weight, often described as a cross. It is not uncommon for women to refer either to some chronic problem or their husband as "o meu cruz" (my cross). While Latin women are often described as imitating the steadfastness, chastity, and self-sacrifice of the Virgin Mary (Stevens 1973), they also imitate Christ, who is believed to have sacrificed himself so that others might achieve redemption. Like Christ, women take upon themselves the burden of responsibility for the welfare of those they love. Worrying about and accommodating others' emotional needs while self-effacingly denying their own can be a very heavy cross to bear. But again peito aberto's localization of weight on the chest is curious, because women carry heavy objects on shoulders, heads, and hips, not chests. I believe that the localization of weight on the chest indicates that, like mau olhado, peito aberto reflects the emotional consequences of the woman's role and constitutes an embodiment of socioemotional conflicts. The weight women carry too much of is emotional rather than physical. Folk speech and metaphorical meanings attached to body parts offer clues to peito aberto's emotional qualities. This content downloaded on Thu, 20 Dec 2012 17:36:48 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 172 Journalof AmericanFolklore107 (1994) Linguistic Aspects of Peito Aberto Brazilians like to boast that their language is one of the most complex on earth because any one word or phrase can have several meanings. Peito abertois no exception. Rezadeiras and their patients use the term to designate a sickness. Here, peito aberto is linguistically contrasted with peito or corpofechado(closed chest or body), into which evil influences cannot enter. They say the prayers and cross-making of the rezadeira "close" the body of the patient so that the force of mau olhado and other dangers cannot enter. The vulnerability of peito aberto is contrasted with the shieldedness ofpeito fechado.4 However, outside the rezadeira's house the term is used like the English "confront with bared breast" to refer to unprotected courage.5 To "enfrentarcorn peito aberto"is to stand up to some threat with brave sincerity. And peitofechado also has a more general meaning: invulnerable to mercy, pity, or love, as in the English hard or closed-hearted.The peito is of course the location of the corardo (heart), and the two terms can be used interchangeably. In Brazil, as in European tradition in general, the heart is thought of as the seat of emotions, especially those of love, excitement, compassion, and courage. Peito, like corapdo,can be used as a synonym of courage, especially where the courage is a sign of moral worth and emotional warmth: "eletemrn muitocoragdo"(he has great heart [courage, human decency]). The expression 'fazer de tripascorap8o"(to make heart from guts) is used to mean to pluck up courage or to speak with great sincerity "from the bottom of one's heart." And the phrases "no meu corardo"(in my heart) and "no meupeito" (in my chest) both mean "in my emotions." In the context of folk healing, a peito or corpo fechado is desirable because the force of other people's negative emotions cannot enter the body and cause sickness. But in daily conversation, a peito or corpo fechado is undesirable because it indicates lack of compassion and invulnerability to the emotionally based claims of others upon the closed-hearted individual. Closed-heartedness is especially condemned in women. Expanding Hearts Women's hearts are truly not their own. Throughout their lives, women are constrained to be preoccupied with and feel responsibility for the emotions of others, at the same time that they are enjoined from experiencing the full range of their own emotions. For example, bereaved favela mothers se conformam (resign themselves) to the deaths of their infants, refusing to cry in order to allow the spirit of the dead child to enter heaven unencumbered by earthly emotional attachments. Folk belief portrays the mother's emotion as harming her "little angel" (anginho):her tears are said to wet the angel's winding cloth or wings and knock him out of the sky (Nations and Rebhun 1988b:160-163). Here grief is seen as literally weighty, and the mother must free her child by suppressing her own emotional expression. This content downloaded on Thu, 20 Dec 2012 17:36:48 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Rebhun, The Weightof Lovein NortheastBrazil 173 Folk speech expresses the belief that women's hearts and the chests that confine them expand to accommodate greater numbers of loved ones. One of the most frequently repeated saying ...
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