Notes on the Sociology of Deviance
Author(s): Kai T. Erikson
Source: Social Problems, Vol. 9, No. 4 (Spring, 1962), pp. 307-314
Published by: Oxford University Press on behalf of the Society for the Study of Social
Problems
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NOTES ON THE SOCIOLOGY OF DEVIANCE
KAI T. ERIKSON
University of Pittsburgh
It is general practice in sociology
to policies of the company required
range
regard deviant behavior as an alienquite
ele- another. Any situation marked
ment in society. Deviance is considered
by this kind of ambiguity, of course,
a vagrant form of human activity, movcan pose a serious dilemma for the individual: if he is careful to observe
ing outside the more orderly currents
of social life. And since this type
oneof
set of demands imposed upon him,
aberration could only occur he
(inruns the immediate risk of violattheory) if something were wrong withing some other, and thus may find
in the social organization itself,himself
decaught in a deviant stance no
viant behavior is described almost as
matter how earnestly he tries to avoid
if it were leakage from machinery init. In this limited sense, deviance can
poor condition: it is an accidental re- be regarded a "normal" human result of disorder and anomie, a symp- sponse to "abnormal" social conditions,
tom of internal breakdown.
and the sociologist is therefore invited
The purpose of the following re-to assume that some sort of pathology
marks will be to review this convenexists within the social structure when-
tional outlook and to argue that it ever deviant behavior makes an ap-
provides too narrow a framework forpearance.
the study of deviant behavior. DeviaThis general approach is clearly
tion, we will suggest, recalling Durk- more concerned with the etiology of
heim's classic statement on the subject,deviant behavior than with its concan often be understood as a normal
tinuing social history-and as a result
product of stable institutions, a vitalit often draws sociological attention
resource which is guarded and pre-away from an important area of in-
served by forces found in all human quiry. It may be safe to assume that
naive acts of deviance, such as first
organizations.1
criminal offenses, are provoked by
strains in the local situation. But this
is only the beginning of a much longer
According to current theory, deviant
behavior is most likely to occur whenstory, for deviant activities can gener-
the sanctions governing conduct inate a good deal of momentum once
any given setting seem to be contra- they are set into motion: they develop
dictory.2 This would be the case, for forms of organization, persist over
example, if the work rules posted bytime, and sometimes remain intact
a company required one course of ac-long after the strains which originally
tion from its employees and the longer-produced them have disappeared. In
this respect, deviant activities are often
Paper read at the 55th annual meetingsabsorbed into the main tissue of society
of the American Sociological Association,and derive support from the same
New York, 1960.
forces which stabilize other forms of
1 Emile Durkheim, The Rules of Socio-social life. There are persons in sological Method (translated by S. A. Solovay
ciety, for example, who make career
and J. H. Mueller), Glencoe: The Free
Press, 1958.
commitments to deviant styles of con-
2 The best known statements of this gen-duct, impelled by some inner need for
eral position, of course, are by Robert K.continuity rather than by any urgenMerton and Talcott Parsons. Merton, Social cies in the immediate social setting.
Theory and Social Structures (revised edi-
tion), Glencoe: The Free Press, 1957; and There are groups in society which
Parsons, The Social System, Glencoe: The actively encourage new deviant trends,
Free Press, 1951.
often prolonging them beyond the
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308 SOCIAL PROBLEMS
correct spoon atan
mealtime,
taking good
point where they represent
adap-
care sources
of his mother, or
otherwise
observtion to strain. These
of
sup-
ing the mores
his society-and if
port for deviant behavior
are of
difficult
to visualize when we use terms like
the community elects to bring sanc"strain," "anomie," or "breakdown" in tions against him for the occasions
discussions of the problem. Such termswhen he does act offensively, it is
may help us explain how the socialresponding to a few deviant details
structure creates fresh deviant poten- set within a vast context of proper
tial, but they do not help us explainconduct. Thus a person may be jailed
how that potential is later shaped into or hospitalized for a few scattered modurable, persisting social patterns.3 Thements of misbehavior, defined as a fullindividual's need for self continuitytime deviant despite the fact that he
and the group's offer of support are had supplied the community with
altogether normal processes, even ifcountless other indications that he was
they are sometimes found in deviant a decent, moral citizen. The screening
situations; and thus the study of de- device which sifts these telling details
viant behavior is as much a study ofout of the individual's over-all persocial organization as it is a study of formance, then, is a sensitive instrument of social control. It is important
disorganization and anomie.
II
to note that this screen takes a number of factors into account which are
From a sociological standpoint, de- not directly related to the deviant act
viance can be defined as conduct whichitself: it is concerned with the actor's
is generally thought to require the at- social class, his past record as an oftention of social control agencies--fender, the amount of remorse he manthat is, conduct about which "some-ages to convey, and many similar conthing should be done." Deviance is notcerns which take hold in the shifting
a property inherent in certain forms moods of the community. This is why
of behavior; it is a property conferredthe community often overlooks beupon these forms by the audienceshavior which seems technically deviant
which directly or indirectly witness(like certain kinds of white collar
them. Sociologically, then, the criticalgraft) or takes sharp exception to bevariable in the study of deviance is thehavior which seems essentially harmsocial audience rather than the indi- less (like certain kinds of sexual imvidual person, since it is the audience propriety). It is an easily demonstrated
which eventually decides whether or fact, for example, that working class
not any given action or actions willboys who steal cars are far more likely
to go to prison than upper class boys
become a visible case of deviation.
This definition may seem a little who commit the same or even more
indirect, but it has the advantage ofserious crimes, suggesting that from
bringing a neglected sociological issue the point of view of the community
lower class offenders are somehow
into proper focus. When a community
acts to control the behavior of one ofmore deviant. To this extent, the comits members, it is engaged in a verymunity screen is perhaps a more releintricate process of selection. Even avant subject for. sociological research
than the actual behavior which is
determined miscreant conforms in
most of his daily behavior-using the filtered through it.
Once the problem is phrased in this
8Cf. Daniel Glaser and Kent Rice,
way, we can ask: how does a communi-
"Crime, Age, and Employment," American
ty decide what forms of conduct should
Sociological Review, 24 (1959), pp. 67986.
be singled out for this kind of atten.
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Notes on the Sociology of Deviance 309
tion? And why, having madeciple
this
of a system, then, is essentially a
centripetal one: it draws the behavior
choice, does it create special instituactors toward the nucleus of the
tions to deal with the persons of
who
enact them? The standard answer to
system, bringing it within range of
this question is that society sets up
basic norms. Any conduct which is
the machinery of control in order toneither attracted toward this nerve
protect itself against the "harmful"
center by the rewards of conformity
effects of deviance, in much the same
nor compelled toward it by other social
pressures is considered "out of control,"
way that an organism mobilizes its
resources to combat an invasion of
which is to say, deviant.
germs. At times, however, this class-This basic model has provided the
room convention only seems to make
theme for most contemporary thinking about deviance, and as a result
the problem more complicated. In the
first place, as Durkheim pointed out
little attention has been given to the
some years ago, it is by no means clear
notion that systems operate to mainthat all acts considered deviant in a
tain boundaries. Generally speaking,
boundaries are controls which limit the
culture are in fact (or even in princi-
ple) harmful to group life.4 And fluctuation
in
of a system's component
parts so that the whole retains a dethe second place, specialists in crime
and mental health have long suggested
fined range of activity-a unique patthat deviance can play an important
tern of constancy and stability-within
role in keeping the social order intact
the larger environment.6 The range of
-again a point we owe originally human
to
behavior is potentially so great
that any social system must make clear
Durkheim.5 This has serious implicastatements about the nature and locations for sociological theory in general.
tion of its boundaries, placing limits
III
on the flow of behavior so that it cir-
In recent years, sociological theory culates within a given cultural area.
Thus boundaries are a crucial point of
with the concept "social system"-anreference for persons living within any
has become more and more concerned
organization of society's componentsystem, a prominent concept in the
parts into a form which sustains in-group's special language and tradition.
ternal equilibrium, resists change, and A juvenile gang may define its boundais boundary maintaining. Now thisries by the amount of territory it deconcept has many abstract dimensions, fends, a professional society by the
but it is generally used to describerange of subjects it discusses, a fraterthose forces in the social order which
nal order by the variety of members it
promote a high level of uniformity accepts. But in each case, members
among human actors and a high de- share the same idea as to where the
gree of symmetry within human in- group begins and ends in social space
stitutions. In this sense, the concept is and know what kinds of experience
normatively oriented since it directs "belong" within this domain.
the observer's attention toward those
For all its apparent abstractness, a
centers in social space where the core social system is organized around the
values of society are figuratively lo-movements of persons joined together
cated. The main organizational prin-in regular social relations. The only
material found in a system for mark-
4 Emile Durkheim, The Division of
ing boundaries, then, is the behavior
Labor in Society (translated by George
of its participants; and the form of beSimpson), Glencoe: The Free Press, 1952.
See particularly Chapter 2, Book 1.
5 Emile Durkheim, The Rules of Socio6 Cf. Talcott Parsons, The Social System,
logical Method, op. cit.
op. cit.
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310 SOCIAL PROBLEMS
havior which best ceive?
performs
this
funcPerhaps they satisfy
a number
of psychological perversities among the
by definition, since it is the most exmass audience, as many commentators
treme variety of conduct to be foundhave suggested, but at the same time
within the experience of the group.
they constitute our main source of inIn this respect, transactions takingformation about the normative outlines
place between deviant persons on the of society. They are lessons through
tion would seem to be deviant almost
which we teach one another what the
one side and agencies of control on
the other are boundary maintaining
norms mean and how far they extend.
mechanisms. They mark the outside
In a figurative sense, at least, morality
limits of the area in which the norm
and immorality meet at the public
has jurisdiction, and in this way assertscaffold, and it is during this meeting
how much diversity and variability canthat the community declares where the
be contained within the system beforeline between them should be drawn.
it begins to lose its distinct structure, Human groups need to regulate the
its unique shape.
routine affairs of everyday life, and to
A social norm is rarely expressed asthis end the norms provide an impor-
a firm rule or official code. It is an
tant focus for behavior. But human
groups also need to describe and anabstract synthesis of the many separate
ticipate those areas of being which lie
times a community has stated its sentibeyond the immediate borders of the
ments on a given issue. Thus the norm
group-the unseen dangers which in
has a history much like that of an
any culture and in any age seem to
article of common law: it is an accum-
ulation of decisions made by the com- threaten the security of group life. The
munity over a long period of time universal folklore depicting demons,
which gradually gathers enough moral devils, witches and evil spirits may be
influence to serve as a precedent for one way to give form to these otherfuture decisions. Like an article of
wise formless dangers, but the visible
deviant is another kind of reminder.
common law, the norm retains its
validity only if it is regularly used asAs a trespasser against the norm, he
a basis for judgment. Each time therepresents those forces excluded by the
community censures some act of de- group's boundaries: he informs us, as
viance, then, it sharpens the authorityit were, what evil looks like, what
of the violated norm and re-establishes
shapes the devil can assume. In doing
so, he shows us the difference between
the boundaries of the group.
One of the most interesting features
of control institutions, in this regard,
is the amount of publicity they have
always attracted. In an earlier day, correction of deviant offenders took place
kinds of experience which belong
within the group and kinds of experience which belong outside it.
Thus deviance cannot be dismissed
as behavior which disrupts stability in
in the public market and gave the society, but is itself, in controlled quancrowd a chance to display its interest tities, an important condition for prein a direct, active way. In our own serving stability.
day, the guilty are no longer paraded
in public places, but instead we are
confronted by a heavy flow of news-
IV
This raises a serious theoretical
paper and radio reports which offer question. If we grant that deviant be-
much the same kind of entertainment.
Why are these reports considered
"newsworthy" and why do they rate
the extraordinary attention they re-
havior often performs a valuable service in society, can we then assume that
society as a whole actively tries to pro-
mote this resource? Can we assume,
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Notes on the Sociology of Deviance 311
in other words, that some kind of active
sharp rite of transition, at once moving
recruitment process is going on to
ashim
out of his normal position in sosure society of a steady volume of ciety
devi-and transferring him into a distinct deviant role.8 The ceremonies
ance? Sociology has not yet developed
a conceptual language in which which
this accomplish this change of status,
sort of question can be discussed withusually, have three related phases. They
out a great deal of circularity, butarrange
one
a formal confrontation beobservation can be made which tween
gives the deviant suspect and reprethe question an interesting perspective
sentatives of his community (as in the
-namely, that deviant activities often
criminal trial or psychiatric case conseem to derive support from the very
ference); they announce some judgagencies designed to suppress them.
ment about the nature of his deviancy
Indeed, the institutions devised
(a by
"verdict" or "diagnosis," for examhuman society for guarding against
ple); and they perform an act of social
deviance sometimes seem so poorly
placement, assigning him to a special
equipped for this task that we might
deviant role (like that of "prisoner"
well ask why this is considered their
or "patient") for some period of time.
Such ceremonies tend to be events of
"real" function at all.
It is by now a thoroughly familiar
wide public interest and ordinarily
argument that many of the institutions
take place in a dramatic, ritualized
built to inhibit deviance actually opersetting.9 Perhaps the most obvious exate in such a way as to perpetuate
it. of a commitment ceremony is
ample
criminal trial, with its elaborate
For one thing, prisons, hospitals,the
and
other agencies of control provideritual
aid and formality, but more modest
and protection for large numbers
of
equivalents
can be found almost anydeviant persons. But beyond this, where
such that procedures are set up for
institutions gather marginal people
judging
inwhether or not someone is
to tightly segregated groups, give officially
them
deviant.
an opportunity to teach one another
An important feature of these cerethe skills and attitudes of a deviant
monies in our culture is that they are
career, and even drive them into using
almost irreversible. Most provisional
these skills by reinforcing their sense
roles conferred by society-like those
of alienation from the rest of society.7
of the student or citizen soldier, for
This process is found not only in theinstance-include some kind of terinstitutions which actually confine the
minal ceremony to mark the individual's movement back out of the role
deviant, but in the general community
as well.
once its temporary advantages have
The community's decision to bring been exhausted. But the roles allotted
deviant sanctions against an individualto the deviant seldom make allowance
is not a simple act of censure. It is afor this type of passage. He is ushered
into the special position by a decisive
and dramatic ceremony, yet is retired
7 For a good description of this process
in the modern prison, see Gresham Sykes,
from it with hardly a word of public
The Society of Captives, Princeton: Princenotice. As a result, the deviant often
ton University Press, 1958. For views of
returns home with no proper license
two different types of mental hospital
settings, see Erving Goffman, "The Char-to resume a normal life in the com-
acteristics of Total Institutions," Symposium
on Preventive and Social Psychiatry, Wash- 8 Talcott Parsons, op cit., has given the
ington, D. C.: Walter Reed Army Institute classical description of how this role transof Research, 1957; and Kai T. Erikson,
fer works in the case of medical patients.
9 Cf. Harold Garfinkel, "Successful Deg"Patient Role and Social Uncertainty: A
Dilemma of the Mentally Ill," Psychiatry, radation Ceremonies," American Journal of
20 (1957), pp. 263-74.
Sociology, 61 (1956), pp. 420-24.
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312 SOCIAL PROBLEMS
munity. From a ritual
point
of
view,
stant pool of
suspects. Nor
could
psynothing has happened
cancel
out
chiatric clinicsto
do a responsible
job if
the stigmas imposed
him
by
they did notupon
view former
patients as
earlier commitment ceremonies: the
a group unusually susceptible to mental
original verdict or diagnosis is still
illness. Thus the prophecy gains curformally in effect. Partly for this rearency at many levels within the social
son, the community is apt to place the
order, not only in the poorly informed
returning deviant on some formattitudes
of
of the community at large,
but in the best informed theories of
probation within the group, suspicious
most control agencies as well.
that he will return to deviant activity
upon a moment's provocation.
In one form or another, this problem has been known to Western culA circularity is thus set into motion
ture for many hundreds of years, and
which has all the earmarks of a "selffulfilling prophecy," to use Merton's this simple fact is a very important
fine phrase. On the one hand, it seems one for sociology. For if the culture
obvious that the apprehensions of the has supported a steady flow of deviant
community help destroy whatever behavior throughout long periods of
chances the deviant might otherwise historical evolution, then the rules
have for a successful return to society. which apply to any form of functionalYet, on the other hand, everyday ex- ist thinking would suggest that strong
perience seems to show that these ap- forces must be at work to keep this
prehensions are altogether reasonable, flow intact. This may not be reason
for it is a well-known and highly pub- enough to assert that deviant behavior
is altogether "functional"-in any of
licized fact that most ex-convicts rethe
many senses of that term-but it
turn to prison and that a large propor-
tion of mental patients require addi-
should make us reluctant to assume
tional treatment after once having that the agencies of control are somebeen discharged. The community's feel- how organized to prevent deviant acts
ing that deviant persons cannot change, from occurring or to "cure" deviant
offenders of their misbehavior.'0
then, may be based on a faulty premise,
This in turn might suggest that our
but it is repeated so frequently and
with such conviction that it eventually present models of the social system,
creates the facts which "prove" it cor- with their clear emphasis on harmony
rect. If the returned deviant encounters and symmetry in social relations, only
this feeling of distrust often enough, it do a partial job of representing reality.
is understandable that he too may be- Perhaps two different (and often congin to wonder if the original verdict or flicting) currents are found within any
diagnosis is still in effect-and respond well-functioning system: those forces
to this uncertainty by resuming deviant which promote a high over-all degree
of conformity among human actors,
activity. In some respects, this solution
may be the only way for the individual and those forces which encourage some
degree of diversity so that actors can be
and his community to agree what
forms of behavior are appropriate for deployed throughout social space to
him.
10 Albert K. Cohen, for example, speakMoreover, this prophecy is found in
ing for most sociologists, seems to take
the official policies of even the most the question for granted: "It would seem
advanced agencies of control. Police that the control of deviant behavior is, by
departments could not operate with definition, a culture goal." In "The Study
any real effectiveness if they did not of Social Disorganization and Deviant Be-
havior," Merton, et al., editors, Sociology
regard ex-convicts as an almost per- Today. New York: Basic Books, 1959, p.
manent population of offenders, a con- 465.
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Notes on the Sociology of Deviance 313
mark the system's boundaries. Inquiry
such altogether. Perhaps the stability
a scheme, deviant behavior wouldofapsome social units is maintained only
pear as a variation on normative
if juvenile offenders are recruited to
themes, a vital form of activity which balance an adult majority; perhaps
outlines the area within which social
some families can remain intact only
if one of their members becomes a
life as such takes place.
visible deviant or is committed to a
As Georg Simmel wrote some years
ago:
hospital or prison. If this supposition
proves to be a useful one, sociologists
An absolutely centripetal and harmonious
should
be interested in discovering
group, a pure "unification," not only
is
empirically unreal, it could show no real
how a social unit manages to differenlife process. . . Just as the universe
tiate the roles of its members and how
needs "love and hate," that is, attractive
certain persons are "chosen" to play
and repulsive forces, in order to have
any form at all, so society, too, in order the more deviant parts.
to attain a determinate shape, needs some
quantitative ratio of harmony and dis-
Second, it is evident that cultures
harmony, of association and competition, vary in the way they regulate traffic
of favorable and unfavorable tendencies.
moving back and forth from their de. . . Society, as we know it, is the re-
sult of both categories of interaction,
which thus both manifest themselves as
wholly positive.11
V
In summary, two new lines of inquiry seem to be indicated by the
argument presented above.
First, this paper attempts to focus
our attention on an old but still vital
viant boundaries. Perhaps we could
begin with the hypothesis that the
traffic pattern known in our own culture has a marked Puritan cast: a defined portion of the population, largely drawn from young adult groups and
from the lower economic classes, is
stabilized in deviant roles and generally expected to remain there for indefi-
nite periods of time. To this extent,
sociological question: how does a so-Puritan attitudes about predestination
cial structure communicate its "needs"
and reprobation would seem to have
or impose its "patterns" on human retained a significant place in modern
actors? In the present case, how does criminal law and public opinion. In
a social structure enlist actors to en-
other areas of the world, however, dif-
gage in deviant activity? Ordinarily,
ferent traffic patterns are known. There
the fact that deviant behavior is more
are societies in which deviance is con-
common in some sectors of society sidered a natural pursuit for the young,
than in others is explained by declar- an activity which they can easily abaning that something called "anomie" or don when they move through defined
"disorganization" prevails at these
sensitive spots. Deviance leaks out
ceremonies into adulthood. There are
human actors. But if we consider the
societies in which special groups are
societies which give license to large
where the social machinery is defec- groups of persons to engage in deviant
tive; it occurs where the social struc- behavior for certain seasons or on
ture fails to communicate its needs to certain days of the year. And there are
possibility that deviant persons are re-formed to act in ways "contrary" to
sponding to the same social forces thatthe normal expectations of the culture.
elicit conformity from others, then weEach of these patterns regulates de-
are engaged in another order of in-viant traffic differently, yet all of them
provide some institutionalized means
for an actor to give up a deviant
11 Georg Simmel, Conflict (translated by
"career" without permanent stigma.
Kurt H. Wolff), Glencoe: The Free Press,
1955, pp. 15-16.
The problem for sociological theory in
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314 SOCIAL PROBLEMS
general might be toanything
learn whether
to learn
orfrom
not these varying patterns
which permit
are funcre-entry in
tionally equivalent in
some
cial
life meaningto persons who
ful sense; the problem
applied on soc
periodfor
of "service"
sociology might be ries.
to see if we have
COMPONENTS OF VARIATION IN CITY CRIME RATES
KARL SCHUESSLER
Indiana University
Introduction. A persistent issue
in
peripheral
to that problem by a correcriminology is whether crime lational
is theanalysis of selected crime rates
social characteristics of all Ameriproduct of general social factors and
which
canits
cities, 100,000 population or more,
universally determine the rate of
1950.
The immediate objective was
occurrence; or the consequence of
cirdetermine whether the variation in
cumstances specific to a giventosocial
theThis
crime rate of these 105 large cities
setting and wanting in generality.
could
problem finds informal expression
inbe statistically explained by a
small
such questions as "Does crime vary
as number of general factors, or
whether
the degree of normative conflict?"
"as a multiplicity of factors would
be "as
required. A second task of equal
the degree of social deprivation?"
importance
but greater difficulty was
the degree of economic need?"-as
if
establish, if possible, the sociological
crime were a simple, mechanical to
function of normative disorder, thwarted
meaning of any statistical factors that
social ambition, or economic insuffimight emerge in the analysis.
ciency. Such broad questionsData.
have
The crime rates were based on
served not only as a point of departure
records of "offenses known to the pofor numerous empirical studies, but
lice," as given in Uniform Crime Rehave been as well the occasion for
ports; and the social and economic
data were obtained principally from
of Ferri, Garofalo, and Bonger. AlUnited States Census publications. Adthough criminologists are currently
mittedly, these data are fallible-in
much theorizing in the grand manner
more absorbed by theories applicable
particular, the police records-but still
to a limited range of facts, such as
not so unreliable as to be unworthy of
theories of embezzlement and lower
analysis.
class delinquency, they have always
For each city, average annual rates
been intrigued by the possibility of
per 100,000 population, 15 +, for the
discovering social elements common to
period 1949-51, were computed for
seven major offenses, listed below
Purpose. This study provides evidence (Table 1) along with corresponding
all crime.
medians and extreme values.'
Read before Criminology Section of
Ohio Valley Sociological Society, Annual
Next listed (Table 2) are the 20
independent variables, which, aside
Meeting, April 21-22, 1961, Cleveland, from their ready availability, were seOhio. The author is indebted to Lelah
The decision to analyze offense-specific
Padilla, Gerald Slatin, Roland Chilton,1 and
rates rather than a general crime rate reCherry Carter who assisted in various
phases of the statistical work; also to the flects the assumption that crime is not a
Graduate School of Indiana University for unitary phenomenon, and that different
financial assistance.
kinds of crime have different causes.
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