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Reading on our Theme: Topology
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Topology
Rowan K. Flad K. and Pochan Chen
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Landscapes are analytical constructs that help us frame the way we see interaction. They concern the perception and experience of the environment
and comprise the various ways the human beings interact in and with space. Timothy Ingold (1993:156) summarizes the most encompassing view of
landscape when he says that landscape is “the world as known to those who dwell therein, who inhabit its places and journey along the paths
connecting them.” A similar understanding of landscape is articulated by Kenneth Olwig (2002:226) in his rich exegesis on the role of landscape in
the construction of political entities during the Renaissance: “Landscape is the expression of the practices of habituation through which the habitus
of a place is generated and laid down as custom and law upon the physical fabric of the land." These perspectives see landscape in the constant
process of formation, as relations between humans and environments perpetually unfold. As such, landscape is not "an object to be understood";
instead, “it is a living process; it makes men; it is made by them.”
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Changing Possibilities
Peter Bellwood
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Both islands of New Zealand appear to have been settled at similar coastal-focused hunting and gathering population densities for the first few
centuries of their prehistory, perhaps with denser populations in the eastern South Island....Subsidiary agriculture was maintained in the northern and
central coastal regions of the North Island. However, by the time of Cook's visit in 1769, when the moas were extinct and maritime mammal
resources highly depleted, dependence upon agriculture had become absolutely essential wherever it was climatically possible. By this time, perhaps
80-90 percent of the Maori population (100,000 people?) was living in the most suitable agricultural areas, both coastal and inland, in the northern
half of the North Island. The high North Island population densities are revealed by literally thousands of earthwork fortifications (pa), mostly
constructed in the post moa-hunting phase after AD 1500. The remainder of the country, including the North Island interior and virtually all of the
South Island, climatically marginal or impossible for sweet potato and even fern propagation, was thinly populated in comparison, with less than 10
percent of the population occupying perhaps 75 percent of the land area of New Zealand. The environmentally availability of agriculture, even if it
was a rather marginal kind of agriculture in this instance, was the main contributor to this highly skewed situation of difference between north and
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was a rather marginal kind of agriculture in this instance, was the main contributor to this highly skewed situation of difference between north and
south.
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(Bellwood 2005:16-17)
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(Not) Knowing Where You Are
Yi Fu Tuan
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What does it mean to be lost? I follow a path into the forest, stray from the path, and all of a sudden feel completely disorientated. Space is still
organized in conformity with the sides of my body. There are regions to my front and back, to my right and left, but they are not geared to external
reference points and hence are quite useless. Front and back regions suddenly feel arbitrary, since I have no better reason to go forward than to
back. Let a flickering light appear behind a distant clump of trees. I remain lost in the sense that I still do not know where I am in the forest, but
space has dramatically regained its structure. The flickering light
ishe a structure....
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The human being, by his mere presence, imposes a schema on space. Most of the time he is not aware of it. He notes its absence when he is lost.
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Tuan (1977:36)
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The Way of the Voyager
Thomas Gladwin
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What lies beyond is a world of little islands, some inhabited and some not, but each with its own special shape and nature, and each in its own
assigned place upon a vast surface of the sea. As one thinks of these islands, one over there, another there to the north, a third over here closer, Truk
rising high from the sea off in the east, and many more among and beyond these, with reefs stretched between, the sea itself is transformed. No
longer is it simply a great body of water which, encountering Puluwat, shoves around it and reforms on the other side to flow on to an empty
eternity. Instead the ocean becomes a thoroughfare over which one can think of oneself moving, other islands left behind to right or left, toward a
particular island of destination which as one comes upon it will be waiting, as it always waits, right where it is supposed to be. When a Puluwatan
speaks of the ocean the words he uses refer not to an amorphous expanse of water but rather to the assemblage of seaways which lie between the
various islands. Together these seaways constitute the ocean he knows and understands. Seen in this way Puluwat ceases to be a solitary spot of
dry land; it takes its place in a familiar constellation of islands linked together by pathways in the ocean.
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(Gladwin 1970:33-4)
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Absence as Index
Robert W. Hefner
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My second surprise occurred several hours later, as I neared the end of my ascent. Climbing above a dense mountain fog, I could see neat vegetable
plots on steep hillsides just ahead. Beyond them sat the whitewashed houses of Ngadas, clustered tightly at the top of a ridge overlooking a narrow
mountain valley, cultivated with onions, cabbage, potatoes, and maize. Contrary to what I had expected, the village looked much like the Javanese
community from which I had started out several hours earlier. Admittedly, the village was laid out in a more compact fashion. Houses were more
uniform in style and more solidly constructed than those in lower-lying communities, mountain pine having replaced bamboo as the primary
construction material. The streets had the odor of horse manure rather than truck exhaust. And there was no mosque. Nonetheless, the village for
the most part looked quite similar to those non-Tengger region of mountain East Java.
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Differing Perspectives
Anna Lowenhaupt Tsing
Induan Kilay lives in a resettlement village in which Meratus are encouraged to recognize a primary distinction between the settled, human space of
the village (banua) and the wilderness of the forest (hutan, which can include even swiddens). In the central mountains, however, this formula seems
strange. One descends the house stair log not to a village but to the ground (tanah), which becomes rice fields (huma), secondary forest (jurungan),
mature rainforest (katuan). And other more vegetational niches. The landscape is known as a patchwork not only of vegetational types but also of
specific places. Large emergent trees often have individual names-not just species names—which can be used to identify particular groves and
hillsides. Through foraging, traveling, and memories of old fields regrown into forest, central-mountain Meratus become familiar with a number of
forest sites. As the sites themselves take on overlapping and varied social connotations, each user gains a loose sense of connection with other
users, past and present. Social identities in the mountains are not forged in “domesticated” villages; they take on the complexity of associations with
the forest landscape as a fabric of diverse social and natural resources.
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(Tsing 1993:62 emphasis original)
Atoni Houses
Clark E. Cunningham
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Nanan (inside or center): inner section
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Atoni Houses
Clark E. Cunningham
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Nanan (inside or center): inner section
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Ume nanan (house inside or house center) may refer to the finner section' or to the whole area under the roof, depending on contexts which I discuss
later. Nanan may mean 'inner' opposed to outside; the 'inner' part opposed to the outer part of an area; or the 'center' part opposed to the periphery
with a circle. (However, nanan does not mean ‘centre point which is mat, eye, or usun, navel.
The nanan, or inner section, is reserved for agnates [persons descended from or belonging to the same male line) of the householder, while the ume
nanan, house center-the whole area under the roof-is for agnates, affines [in-laws, in this case members of an in-marrying wife's male line) and
guests. Guests should not enter the inner section through the door, though they may freely enter the outer section (si’u) through the unclosed
entrance. Guests are not entertained in the inner section, though wife-giving affines may be received there on occasion. A wife has free access to
the inner section of her husband's house (or the house of his parents) only after her initiation to his descent group ritual. Affines or guests may not
sleep in the inner section, but a married daughter may do so if she returns alone to her parents. If her husband comes too, they sleep together on a
platform in the outer section. Unmarried sons and daughters sleep in the inner section, but a boy on reaching his late teens may sleep in the outer
section. All of the householders normally eat in the inner section when there are no guests. The mood is relaxed and the door is closed, and it is
considered rude to interrupt a family meal.
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Sacrificial Places
Henri Hubert and Marcel Mauss
(3) The place, the instruments. For the sacrifice proper to begin, it is not enough for the sacrifier and the priest to be sanctified. It cannot take place
at any time or anywhere. For not all times of the day or year are equally propitious for sacrifice; there are even times at which it must be ruled out.
In Assyria, for example, it was forbidden on the 7th, 14th, and 21st of the month. According to the nature and purpose of the ceremony, the hour of
celebration differed. Sometimes it had to be offered during daytime, sometime, on the other hand, during the evening or at night.
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The place of ceremony must itself be sacred: outside a holy place immolation is mere murder. When the sacrifice is performed in a temple or in a
place already sacred itself, preliminary consecration is unnecessary or at least very much shortened. This is the case with the Hebrew sacrifice as laid
down in the ritual of the Pentateuch. It was celebrated in a single sanctuary consecrated beforehand, chosen by divinity, and made divine by his
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The place of ceremony must itself be sacred: outside a holy place immolation is mere murder. When the sacrifice is performed in a temple or in a
place already sacred itself, preliminary consecration is unnecessary or at least very much shortened. This is the case with the Hebrew sacrifice as laid
down in the ritual of the Pentateuch. It was celebrated in a single sanctuary consecrated beforehand, chosen by divinity, and made divine by his
presence. Thus the texts that have come down to us contain no provisions related to the repeated sanctifying of the place of sacrifice.
Nevertheless, the purity and sanctity of the temple and the sanctuary had to be maintained: daily sacrifices and an annual ceremony of expiation
were the means of fulfilling this need.
The Hindus have no temple. Each could choose the place where he wished to sacrifice. Nut this place had to be consecrated in advance by means of
a certain number of rites, of which the most essential was the setting up of fires.
(Hubert and Mauss (1898]1981:25-6)
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City of Light
Diana L. Eck
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Banāras is a magnificent city, rising from the western bank of the River Ganges, where the river takes a broad crescent sweep toward the north.
There is little in the world to compare to Banāras, seen from the river at dawn. The rays of the early-morning sun spread across the river and strike
the high-banked face of this city, which Hindus call Käshi-the Luminous, the City of Light. The temples and shrines, ashrams and pavilions that
stretch along the river for over three miles are golden in the early morning. They rise majestic on the high riverbank and cast deep reflections into
the waters of the Ganges. Long flights of stone steps called ghāts, reaching like roots into the river, bring thousands of worshippers down to the river
to bathe at dawn. In the narrow lanes at the top of these steps moves the unceasing earthly drama of life and death, which Hindus call samsara. But
here, from the perspective of the river, there is a vision of transcendence and liberation, which Hindus call moksha.
The riverfront reveals the sources of Kashi's ancient reputation as the sacred city of the Hindus. Along the river there are over seventy bathing ghāts,
literally “landings: or “banks," reaching from Asi Ghāt in the south to Ādi Keshava in the north, beyond the bridge. Some are quiet neighborhood
ghāts, while others are crowded with pilgrims from all over India. Bathing in the Ganges, a river said to have fallen from heaven to earth, is the first
act of Banāras pilgrims and a daily rite for Banāras residents. Also along the river are dozens of temples with high spires, most of them dedicated to
Lord Shiva, who according to tradition makes this city his permanent earthly home. Great temples, like Kedāreshvara, sit atop their own ghāts, while
innumerable small shrines along the river are barely large enough for a single linga, the simple stone shaft that is the symbol of Shiva. Along with the
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