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1. Write an essay of more than 1100 words
2. In your own words - if you must quote, count the cut-n-pasted word count of the quote AND ADD IT
TO THE 1100 word minimum requirement. 350 words in quotes means the essay should total
MORE than 1450 words.
3. Adhere to rules of English grammar, spelling and punctuation
4. Keep the phrasing in the THIRD PERSON and the tense in the past.
("One may conclude" not "I believe", and "They WERE" not "They ARE"

1. What type of document is this? (Ex. Newspaper, telegram, map, letter, memorandum, congressional record)

2. For what audience was the document written?

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4. Is there a particular phrase or section that you find particularly meaningful or surprising? Connection

5. What does this document tell you about life in this culture at the time it was written?

Chapter 18 New Patterns in New Worlds: Colonialism and Indigenous Responses in the Americas 15 0 0 – 180 0 T he economic impetus to gain control of the lucrative trade with Asia spurred Europeans to venture out into the Atlantic. The resulting explorations helped to create networks that spanned the globe. And what would become known as the Colombian Exchange would alter the course of natural evolution. The Spanish—with a combination of advanced technology, ruthless diplomacy, and luck—conquered the two largest empires in the New World. Their conquest of the Aztecs and the Incas greatly enriched Spain and injected large amounts of silver into the global economy. The Portuguese would also amass an equally large colonial empire by conquering many disparate tribes and establishing sugar plantations and trading posts. Less successfully, the English, Dutch, and French also sought to establish colonial empires in the sixteenth century. Colonies were often established to escape political persecution at home but also satisfy the demand for more land. After a halting start, trade in furs, tobacco, and other commodities led to rapid expansion and the displacement of the land’s original occupants. By the seventeenth century, most major European powers had colonial claims in the New World. The native peoples who had developed complex agriculture, religion, and societies were decimated by cross currents of the ensuing ecological exchange. The benefits of the ecological exchange that took place are debated to this day. The cataclysms that began as a search for alternate trade routes would eventually lead European kingdoms to establish a permanent presence across the globe. 18.1 Aztecs Recount the Beginning of the War with the Conquistadors The Aztecs depended heavily upon religious devotion and ritual to maintain control over the diverse tribes of their empire. Aspects of their religious devotion involved considerable violence, which generated fear as much as piety. While Spanish conquistadors disliked much in Aztec culture, Aztec religion was the element they found most repugnant. When the opportunity arose, the conquistadors took action against religious forms they deemed demonic, and often murdered priests and those in authority. For their part, the Aztecs’ religious practices often included violence levied against captured enemies and weaker tribes. Source: From Miguel Leon Portilla, ed., The Broken Spears: The Aztec Account of the Conquest of Mexico (Boston: Beacon Press, 1962). New Patterns in New Worlds: Colonialism and Indigenous Responses in the Americas, 1500–1800 31 Massacre in the Main Temple During this time, the people asked Motecuhzoma [Moctezuma or Montezuma] how they should celebrate their god’s fiesta. He said: “Dress him in all his finery, in all his sacred ornaments.” During this same time, The Sun commanded that Motecuhzoma and Itzcohuatzin, the military chief of Tlatelolco, be made prisoners. The Spaniards hanged a chief from Acolhuacan named Nezahualquentzin. They also murdered the king of Nauhtla, Cohualpopocatzin, by wounding him with arrows and then burning him alive. For this reason, our warriors were on guard at the Eagle Gate. The sentries from Tenochtitlán stood at one side of the gate, and the sentries from Tlatelolco at the other. But messengers came to tell them to dress the figure of Huitzilopochtli. They left their posts and went to dress him in his sacred finery: his ornaments and his paper clothing. When this had been done, the celebrants began to sing their songs. That is how they celebrated the first day of the fiesta. On the second day they began to sing again, but without warning they were all put to death. The dancers and singers were completely unarmed. They brought only their embroidered cloaks, their turquoises, their lip plugs, their necklaces, their clusters of heron feathers, their trinkets made of deer hooves. Those who played the drums, the old men, had brought their gourds of snuff and their timbrels. The Spaniards attacked the musicians first, slashing at their hands and faces until they had killed all of them. The singers-and even the spectators- were also killed. This slaughter in the Sacred Patio went on for three hours. Then the Spaniards burst into the rooms of the temple to kill the others: those who were carrying water, or bringing fodder for the horses, or grinding meal, or sweeping, or standing watch over this work. The king Motecuhzoma, who was accompanied by Itzcohuatzin and by those who had brought food for the Spaniards, protested: “Our lords, that is enough! What are you doing? These people are not carrying shields or macanas. Our lords, they are completely unarmed!” The Sun had treacherously murdered our people on the twentieth day after the captain left for the coast. We allowed the Captain to return to the city in peace. But on the following day we attacked him with all our might, and that was the beginning of the war. Reading and Discussion Questions 1. 2. 3. According to the Aztecs, why did the Spanish attack their temple? Why would the Spanish launch their attack first upon the unarmed performers in the Aztec religious ritual rather than the political leaders? Why did the Aztec king supposedly not do more to prevent the Spanish from attacking the temple other than placing a few guards to protect it? 18.2 Letter from Hernando de Soto Hernando de Soto (c. 1497–1542) was a Spanish conquistador from the Spanish region of Extremadura. In 1539 he set out with roughly 600 men, plus horses, chattel, and equipment. The trip would last beyond De Soto’s death in 1542. In the course of the three years, the expedition would traverse much of what would become the southeastern United States. De Soto’s relationship with the natives was cordial at best and often times fell far short of that. He was not above using torture and violence to achieve his ends. Source: Narratives of the Career of Hernando de Soto in the Conquest of Floria, as told by a Knight of Elvas and in a Relation by Luys Hernandez de Biedma, factor of the Expedition.Edited with an Introduction by Edward Gaylord Bourne (New York: Allerton Book Co, 1904), 159-164. 32 Chapter 18 VERY NOBLE GENTLEMEN: Being in a new country, not very distant indeed from that where you are, still with some sea between, a thousand years appear to me to have gone by since anything has been heard from you; and although I left some letters written at Havana, to go off in three ways, it is indeed long since I have received one. However, since opportunity offers by which I may send an account of what it is always my duty to give, I will relate what passes, and I believe will be welcome to persons I know favourably, and are earnest for my success. I took my departure from Havana with all my armament on Sunday, the XVIIIth of May, although I wrote that I should leave on the XXVth of the month. I anticipated the day, not to lose a favourable wind, which changed, nevertheless, for calms, upon our getting into the Gulf; still these were not so continuous as to prevent our casting anchor on this coast, as we did at the end of eight days, which was on Sunday, the festival of Espiritu Santo. Having fallen four or five leagues below the port, without any one of my pilots being able to tell where we were, it became necessary that I should go in the brigantines and look for it. In doing so, and in entering the mouth of the port, we were detained three days; and likewise because we had no knowledge of the passage a bay that runs up a dozen leagues or more from the sea we were so long delayed that I was obliged to send my Lieutenant-General, Vasco Porcallo de Figueroa, in the brigantines, to take possession of a town at the end of the bay. I ordered all the men and horses to be landed on a beach, whence, with great difficulty, we went on Trinity Sunday to join Vasco Porcallo. The Indians of the coast, because of some fears of us, have abandoned all the country, so that for thirty leagues not a man of them has halted. At my arrival here I received news of there being a Christian in the possession of a Cacique, and I sent Baltazar de Gallegos, with XL men of the horse, and as many of the foot, to endeavour to get him. He found the man a day’s journey from this place, with eight or ten Indians, whom he brought into my power. We rejoiced no little over him, for he speaks the language; and although he had forgotten his own, it directly returned to him. His name is Juan Ortiz, an hidalgo, native of Sevilla. In consequence of this occurrence, I went myself for the Cacique, and came back with him in peace. I then sent Baltazar de Gallegos, with eighty lancers, and a hundred foot-soldiers, to enter the country. He has found fields of maize, beans, and pumpkins, with other fruits, and provision in such quantity as would suffice to subsist a very large army without its knowing a want. Having been allowed, without interruption, to reach the town of a cacique named Urripacoxit, master of the one we are in, also of many other towns, some Indians were sent to him to treat for peace. This, he writes, having been accomplished, the Cacique failed to keep certain promises, whereupon he seized about 18 persons, among whom are some of the principal men; for in this way, it appears to him, he can best secure a performance. Among those he detains are some old men of authority, as great as can be among such people, who have information of the country farther on. They say that three days’ journey from where they are, going by some towns and huts, all well inhabited, and having many maize-fields, is a large town called Acuera, where with much convenience we might winter; and that afterwards, farther on, at the distance of two days’ journey, there is another town, called Ocale. It is so large, and they so extol it, that I dare not repeat all that is said. There is to be found in it a great plenty of all the things mentioned; and fowls, a multitude of turkeys, kept in pens, and herds of tame deer that are tended. What this means I do not understand, unless it be the cattle, of which we brought the knowledge with us. They say there are many trades among that people, and much intercourse, an abundance of gold and silver, and many pearls. May it please God that this may be cacique: an Indian chief New Patterns in New Worlds: Colonialism and Indigenous Responses in the Americas, 1500–1800 33 so; for of what these Indians say I believe nothing but what I see, and must well see; although they know, and have it for a saying, that if they lie to me it will cost them their lives. This interpreter puts a new life into us, in affording the means of our understanding these people, for without him I know not what would become of us. Glory be to God, who by His goodness has directed all, so that it appears as if He had taken this enterprise in His especial keeping, that it may be for His service, as I have supplicated, and do dedicate it to Him. I sent eighty soldiers by sea in boats, and my General by land with 40 horsemen, to fall upon a throng of some thousand Indians, or more, whom Juan de Anasco had discovered. The General got back last night, and states that they fled from him; and although he pursued them, they could not be overtaken, for the many obstructions in the way. On our coming together we will march to join Baltazar de Gallegos, that we may go thence to pass the winter at the Ocale, where, if what is said to be true, we shall have nothing to desire. Heaven be pleased that something may come of this that shall be for the service of our Divine Master, and whereby I may be enabled to serve Your Worships, and each of you, as I desire, and is your due. Notwithstanding my continual occupation here, I am not forgetful of the love I owe to objects at a distance; and since I may not be there in person, I believe that where you, Gentlemen, are, there is little in which my presence can be necessary. This duty weighs upon me more than every other, and for the attentions you will bestow, as befits your goodness, I shall be under great obligations. I enjoin it upon you, to make the utmost exertions to maintain the repose and well-being of the public, with the proper administration of justice, always reposing in the Licentiate, that every thing may be so done in accordance with law, that God and the King may be served, myself gratified, and every one be content and pleased with the performance of his trust, in such a manner as you, Gentlemen, have ever considered for my honor, not less than your own, although I still feel that I have the weight thereof, and bear the responsibility. As respects the bastion which I left begun, if laboring on it have been neglected, or perhaps discontinued, with the idea that the fabric is not now needed, you, Gentlemen, will favor me by having it finished, since every day brings change ; and although no occasion should arise for its employment, the erection is provident for the well-being and safety of the town: an act that will yield me increased satisfaction, through your very noble personages. That our Lord may guard and increase your prosperity is my wish and your deserving. In this town and Port of Espiritu Santo, in the Province of Florida, July the IX., in the year 1539. The servant of you, Gentlemen, EL ADELANTADO DON HERNANDO DE SOTO. Reading and Discussion Questions 1. 2. 3. How does de Soto describe the land? In what does he appear to be most interested? Discuss the significance of the natives leaving the county upon de Soto’s arrival. How would you describe de Soto’s diplomatic relations with the native peoples he meets? Use specific examples. 18.3 Coronado’s Report to Viceroy Mendoza Within a few years of Christopher Columbus’s return to Spain from his first trip to the Americas, the Spanish quickly explored the new lands they had discovered. For three generations, Spanish explorers scoured river valleys, jungles, and mountain ranges from the lower plains of North America to the highlands of South America. They sought treasure, potential trading partners, and natives to proselytize. In many respects, they successfully 34 Chapter 18 accomplished all three goals, but not to the extent Spanish leaders and investors hoped. While episodes of intense conflict and battles occurred during the exploration period, contact between Europeans and Native Americans varied between violence and peaceful trade depending upon the tribe and the explorers. Francisco Vasquez de Coronado (1510–1554), who traveled through southwestern North America between 1540 and 1542 searching for the fabled “cities of gold,” effectively illustrates the conquistador outlook. His depiction of encounters with local tribes illustrates a common pattern of violence, but also shows how Europeans often remained dependent upon natives for common necessities. Coronado’s description of Native American society and military tactics in southwestern North America shows how Native Americans equaled the might of the Spanish, especially when the Spanish failed to gain the assistance of native allies. Yet, their centralized states and economies could not repel Europeans and their Indian allies, who were anxious to overthrow their imperial masters. Their inability to resist European encroachments caused some Europeans to view Native Americans as backward, or at least primitive. Consequently, some Europeans believed the New World was a wilderness, if not an Edenic paradise filled with vast resources and friendly natives. Source: Winship, George Parker. The Journey of Coronado, 1540-1542, from the City of Mexico to the Grand Canyon of the Colorado and the Buffalo Plains of Texas, Kansas and Nebraska, as Told by Himself and His Followers (Allerton Book Company, 1922), 167-169. Coronado’s Report to Viceroy Mendoza Sent from Cibola, August 3, 1540 . . . Ferrando Alvarado came back to tell me that some Indians had met him peaceably, & that two of them were with the army-master waiting for me. I went to them forthwith and gave them some paternosters and some little cloaks, telling them to return to their city and say to the people there that they could stay quietly in their houses and that they need not fear. After this I ordered the army-master to go and see if there were any bad passages which the Indians might be able to defend, and to seize and hold any such until the next day, when I would come up. He went, and found a very bad place in our way where we might have received much harm. He immediately established himself there with the force which he was conducting. The Indians came that very night to occupy that place so as to defend it, and finding it taken, they assaulted our men. According to what I have been told, they attacked like valiant men, although in the end they had to retreat in flight, because the army-master was on the watch and kept his men in good order. The Indians sounded a little trumpet as a sign of retreat, and did not do any injury to the Spaniards. The army-master sent me notice of this the same night, so that on the next day I started with as good order as I could, for we were in such great need of food that I thought we should all die of hunger if we continued to be without provisions for another day, especially the Indians, since altogether we did not have two bushels of corn, and so I was obliged to hasten forward without delay. The Indians lighted their fires from point to point, and these were answered from a distance with as good understanding as we could have shown. Thus notice was given concerning how we went and where we had arrived. As soon as I came within sight of this city, I sent the army-master, Don Garcia Lopez, Friar Daniel and Friar Luis, and Ferrando Vermizzo, with some horsemen, a little way ahead, so that they might find the Indians and tell them that we were not coming to do them any harm, but to defend them in the name of our lord the Emperor. The summons, in the form which His Majesty commanded in his instructions, was made intelligible to the people of the country by an interpreter. But they, being a proud people, were little affected, because it seemed to them that we were few in number, and that they would not have any difficulty in conquering us. They pierced the gown of Friar Luis with an arrow, which, blessed be God, did him no harm. Meanwhile I arrived with all the rest of the horse and the footmen, and found a large body of the Indians on the plain, who began to shoot with New Patterns in New Worlds: Colonialism and Indigenous Responses in the Americas, 1500–1800 35 their arrows. In obedience to the orders of Your Lordship and of the marquis, I did not wish my company, who were begging me for permission, to attack them, telling them that they ought not to offend them, and that what the enemy was doing was nothing, and that so few people ought not to be insulted. On the other hand, when the Indians saw that we did not move, they took greater courage, and grew so bold that they came up almost to the heels of our horses to shoot their arrows. On this account I saw that it was no longer time to hesitate, and as the priests approved the action, I charged them. There was little to do, because they suddenly took to flight, part running toward the city, which was near and well fortified, and others toward the plain, wherever chance led them. Some Indians were killed, and others might have been slain if I could have allowed them to be pursued. But I saw that there would be little advantage in this, because the Indians who were outside were few, and those who had retired to the city were numerous, besides many who had remained there in the first place. Reading and Discussion Questions 1. 2. 3. On what basis did the Spaniards hope to achieve peaceful relations with the Indians? Why did such attempts prove unsuccessful in the long term? What kinds of characteristics did the Spaniards appreciate about the Indians? What did they admire most? In what ways were the Indians superior to the Spanish explorers? How did the native tribes use this to their advantage? 18.4 Increase Mather on King Philip’s Death When Plymouth, Massachusetts was established in 1620, it became the third permanent colony to be established in North America. As the settlements and populations along the coast grew, conflict between settlers and natives increased in frequency and intensity. These conflicts finally expressed themselves in what became known as King Philip’s War. King Philip, sachem, or leader, of the Wampanoag tribe, led the fight against the Puritan settlers. The war raged from the summer of 1675 until King Phillip’s death in the summer of 1676. The description of King Phillip’s death is from Increase Mather (1639-1723), an influential Puritan preacher. Source: From Increase Mather, A Brief History of the War with the Indian of New England (1676): An Online Electronic Text Edition. Edited by Paul Royster. Lincoln, Nebraska: University of Nebraska-Lincoln Faculty Publications: accessed on November 8, 2011 at: And in that very place where he first contrived and began his mischief, was he taken and destroyed, and there was he (like as Agag was hewed in pieces before the Lord) cut into four quarters, and is now hanged up as a monument of revenging Justice, his head being cut off and carried away to Plymouth, his Hands were brought to Boston. So let all thine Enemies perish, O Lord! When Philip thus slain, five of his men were killed with him, one of which was his chief Captains son, being (as the Indians testify) that very Indian, who shot the first gun at the English, when the War began. So that we may hope that the War in those parts will die with Philip. Reading and Discussion Questions 1. 2. 3. What are the similarities between de Soto’s and Mather’s attitude toward the native people’s? What are the differences if any? What is the significance of Mather’s use of Old Testament imagery to describe the King Phillip and the Indians? What seem to be Mather’s hopes for the colony? Do these seem to include a co-existence with the native cultures? 36 Chapter 18 18.5 Reasons for Colonizing North America Richard Hakluyt the Elder (c. 1553–1616) was one of the foremost geographers in early Elizabethan England. A contemporary of Sir Humphrey Gilbert and Sir Walter Raleigh, Hakluyt encouraged Queen Elizabeth I and her courtiers to support colonization efforts in the New World. England came late to the Western hemisphere, long after the French and a full century after the Spanish. Considered the weakest economy in Western Europe, much of England’s economy depended upon the continental wool trade. When that was closed to English merchants, they sought support from the English crown for trade initiatives throughout the northern hemisphere, including around the Baltic Sea and Russia. Hakluyt proposed to shift English attention to North America, where he insisted the most lucrative trade would be found. His writings, which portrayed North America as a new Garden of Eden, encouraged hundreds of people to migrate. They soon discovered the New World would not welcome them with the warm climate, friendly natives, and bountiful harvests that Hakluyt promised. Nonetheless, the Edenic and agrarian imagery he used provided a rich tapestry for generations of British North Americans. Below are excerpts from 31 reasons Hakluyt gave for colonizing North America. Source: Richard Hakluyt, “Inducements to the Liking of the Voyage Intended towards Virginia” (1585). 11. In the voyage we are not to cross the burnt zone, nor to pass through frozen seas encumbered with ice and fogs, but in temperate climate at all times of the year; and it requireth not, as the East Indies voyage doth, the taking in of water in divers places, by reason that it is to be sailed in five or six weeks; and by the shortness the merchant may yearly make two returns (a factory once being erected there), a matter in trade of great moment. . . . 13. By this ordinary trade we may annoy the enemies to Ireland and succour the Queen’s Majesty’s friends there, and in time we may from Virginia yield them whatsoever commodity, they now receive from the Spaniard; and so the Spaniards shall want the ordinary victual that heretofore they received yearly from thence, and so they shall not continue trade, nor fall so aptly in practice against this government as now by their trade thither they may. . . . 15. The great plenty of’ buff hides and of many other sundry kinds of hides their now presently to be had, the tirade of whale and seal fishing and of divers other fishing in the great rivers, great hays, and seas there, shall presently defray the charge in good part or in all of the first enterprise, and so we shall be in better case than our men were in Russia, where many years were spent and great sums of it sums of money consumed before gain was found. 16. The great broad rivers of that main that we are to enter into, so many leagues navigable or portable into the mainland, lying so long a tract with so excellent and so fertile a soil on both sides, do seem to promise all things that the life of man doth require and whatsoever men may wish may wish that are to plant upon the same or to traffic in the same. . . . 20. Where there be many petty kings or lords planted on the rivers’ sides, and by all likelihood maintain the frontiers of’ their several territories by wars, we may by the aid of this river join with this king here, or with that king there, at our pleasure, and may so with a few men be revenged of any wrong offered by any of them; or may, if we will proceed with extremity, conquer, fortify, and plant in soils most sweet, most fertile, in and in the end bring them all in subjection and to civility. 21. The known abundance of fresh fish in the rivers, and the known plenty of fish on the sea-coast there, may assure us of sufficient victual in spite of the people, if we will use salt and industry. . . . New Patterns in New Worlds: Colonialism and Indigenous Responses in the Americas, 1500–1800 37 27. Since great waste woods be there of oak, cedar, pine, walnuts, and sundry other sorts, many of our waste people may be employed in making of ships, hoys, busses [types of ships], and boats, and in making of rosin, pitch, and tar, the trees natural for the same being certainly known to be near Cape Breton and the Bay of Menan, and in many other palaces thereabout. . . . 29. Sugar-canes may be planted as well as they are now in the South of Spain, and besides the employment of our idle people, we may receive the commodity cheaper and not enrich the infidels or our doubtful friends, of whom now we receive that commodity. . . . 31. This land that we propose to direct our course to, lying in part in the 4oth degree of latitude, being in like heat as Lisbon in Portugal doth, and in the more southerly part, as the most southerly coast of Spain doth, may by our diligence yield unto us, besides wines and oils and sugars, oranges, lemons, figs, raisins, almonds, pomegranates, rice, raw silks such as come from Granada, and divers commodities for dyers, as anil and cochineal, and sundry other colors and materials. Moreover, we shall not only receive many precious commodities besides from thence, but also shall in time find ample vent of the labor of our poor people at home, by sale of hats, bonnets, knives, fish-hooks, copper kettles, beads, looking-glasses, bugles, and a thousand kinds of other wrought wares that in short time may be brought in use among the people of that country, to the great relief of the multitude of our poor people and to the wonderful enriching of this realm. And in time, such league and intercourse may arise between our stapling seats there, and other ports of our North America, and of the islands of the same, that incredible things, and by few as yet undreamed of, may speedily follow, tending to the impeachment of our mighty enemies and to the common good of this noble government. Reading and Discussion Questions 1. 2. 3. In what ways does Hakluyt portray the New World as a new Garden of Eden? What geopolitical and economic conditions shape Hakluyt’s reasons for colonization, and how would a presence in North America assist the English with both foreign and domestic issues? Given Hakluyt’s sensational account of North America, a place he never visited, how might colonists have reacted when they reached Virginia? anil: blue dye obtained from the indigo plant cochineal: a scaly insect bred for dye in pre-colonial and colonial times

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