Response paper

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Question Description

After reading the article, write a response paper. Follow these 4 parts.

Topic and a brief summary with analytical elements (6 pts)

Reference to the source/author; genre; purpose

Main ideas are accurately presented (author’s points, not yours!); what the author does with the text is addressed

Recommended length: 8-12 sentences

Errors do not impede comprehension


Evaluate content and language of the text: below are general recommendations; for more details, refer to Appendix A; ( 10 pts)

What is the most impressive or compelling argument/evidence in this reading?

Is the presented evidence clear, sufficient, & relevant?

How important are the issues discussed in the text? What do you agree or disagree with?

Select a quotation that catches your attention; explain its meaning/implication and importance

What is the author’s stance? How did you come to this conclusion? How does the author make use of the language in the text?

What is the language of the text like? (e.g., the author uses discipline-specific terminology; complex prepositional phrases; instances of nominalization; idiomatic language use)


Lexical items (6 pts)

  • 6 items explained in your own words
  • Meaning in context is addressed (e.g., specific connotations, metaphorical use, serves specific purposes)


Reflections on in-class discussion (6 pts)

  • What did you learn as a result of reading and the in-class discussion?
  • What did you have to modify in your pre-class notes?
  • Do you still have lingering questions?
  • Was the reading challenging? Why?
  • What helped you understand the text better?
  • Did you feel confident to share your views/perceptions with your peers?
  • Provide concrete examples while addressing questions

Unformatted Attachment Preview

GENDER PAY EQUITY IN ADVANCED COUNTRIES: THE ROLE OE PARENTHOOD AND POLICIES Joya Misra and Eiko Strader Despite dramatic changes in women's representation in employment, the gender gap in pay remains substantial in most advanced, wealthy countries. Our analyses show the important role that parenthood plays in explaining the gender wage gap. While childless women's wages are converging with that of childless men, mothers' wages are substantially lower than fathers' wages in many countries. Fathers earn bonuses relative to childless men, while mothers suffer penalties relative to childless women. Even though the gender gap for childless workers has been declining over time, the motherhood penalty remains stable, controlling for a variety of factors such as education and experience. We show how the gender gap, motherhood penalties, and fatherhood bonuses differ across a range of wealthy countries. Furthermore, we discuss how maternity leaves, paternity leaves, parental leaves, and publicly subsidized childcare can help address these inequalities by helping parents—both men and women—engage in employment and caregiving. Finally, we argue that policies need to target wage inequality not only by gender, but also by parenthood. D espite the increase in employment numbers and earnings for women globally over the past several decades, there remains a persistent and substantial gender wage gap, with women earning less than men. This gap is prevalent across a broad range of advanced, wealthy countries in Oceania, Europe, and North America. For example, as of 2010, women with full-time employment in the United States earned approximately 77 percent of what their male peers earned.' Although the gap has narrowed—that figure was 60 percent in 1960—U.S. gender wage parity would not occur until 2056 at that rate of change.2 Scholars in disciplines ranging from economics, public policy, and sociology have shown that women's earnings have increased relative to men's due to rising education levels, increased employment opportunities, and the passage of anti-discrimination legislation. Yet it is also true that the gender wage gap narrowed in a relative sense, as men's wages have fallen due to deindustrialization and the decline of labor unions.^ Journal of International Affairs, Fall/Winter 2013, Vol. 67, No. 1. © The Trustees of Columbia University in the City of New York FALL/WINTER 2013 | 27 Joya Misra and Eiko Strader This convergence in wages, however, primarily reflects the experience of childless men and women. Mothers continue to earn substantially less than other workers in most countries. While mothers earn significantly less than childless women with the over same characteristics—referred to as a motherhood *—' time as the gender penalty—fathers earn somewhat more than childless aar» hiiQ Hnnp ™^" ^''^"^ ^^^ s&mt characteristics—referred to as a ^ ^ ' fatherhood bonus. Research shows that rather than m e mOtnernOOd declining over time as the gender gap has done, the penalty remains motherhood penalty remains stable, controlling for Stahle COntrollinP" factors such as education and experience.'' r r , 1 We focus on the intersection of gender and parror ractors sur* h or enthood in eleven countries. Through our analysis, as education and we found that parenthood and specifically, actual experience. ^"^"^ perceived caregiver responsibilities that are entrenched in employers' perceptions and reinforced through legislation and policies, are central factors in explaining the persisting gender wage gap. Wage gaps may reflect the market value of differing levels of human capital. A woman who is less educated or has lost marketable professional experience by taking time out of the workforce receives a lower wage. Yet even controlling for those variables, research continues to find substantial differences in wages by parenthood status and gender.^ We first review the existing literature that has attempted to explain the persistence of motherhood penalties and fatherhood bonuses. By analyzing available earnings data from eleven advanced economies, we illustrate how parenthood contributes to the gender wage gap and how it differs across those countries. Finally, we examine some existing public policies and propose some key ones aimed at reducing the gender wage gap, specifically taking into account the notion of gendered parenthood. PARENTHOOD & EARNINGS ,,• ^• In most advanced economies, mothers earn substantially less than childless women, while fathers earn somewhat more than childless men."^ These phenomena have been termed the motherhood penalty and fatherhood bonus, respectively. In the United States, while researchers identify a 7 percent wage penalty per child, only one-third of this penalty can be attributed to the loss of work experience.' There are two major explanations that have been advanced to account for these outcomes. Some scholars theorize that gendered specialization in the household is a key driver of wage differentials.** Consider a household composed of a married man and woman. If each focuses on different household roles—^with the man 28 JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS Gender Pay Equity in Advanced Countries: The Role of Parenthood and Policies emphasizing paid employment and the woman emphasizing caregiving responsibilities—this might affect workplace productivity. The man may work harder and longer while the woman may work less due to her engagement in caregiving responsibilities outside of the work environment. Research finds that time spent on household tasks that are typed as "female," such as meal preparation and housekeeping, reduces the wages of both men and women. Women tend to engage in those tasks more on average. This suggests that those tasks may drive the gender wage gap.' A longitudinal study examining changes in women's wages over time found that the motherhood penalty is primarily realized when mothers interrupt their employment due to childcare responsibilities.'*^ However, findings do not always support this specialization theory. Eor example, motherhood penalties in the United States vary by race and ethnicity, with white women paying the largest penalties. Yet this does not explain why Latinas do not see a motherhood penalty, despite more traditional divisions of labor among men and women in Latino households." Researchers also explore the effect of specialization on wage bonuses for men. Drawing upon some of the research mentioned above, one can theorize that only men who benefit from a partner who "specializes" in unpaid work would earn a wage bonus. Eor each additional hour an American wife works, her husband's wage gains reduce, which may support the idea that a heterosexual married man's higher wages are due to higher productivity.'^ Research also suggests that white and Latino men, whose families have more traditional breadwinner or caregiver divisions, do appear to earn larger fatherhood bonuses—4 percent and 8 percent, respectively.'^ Yet these effects do not hold for African-American men.''' Employer perceptions, rather than differences in productivity, may play a role. The employers "may be less likely to view black fathers as committed breadwinners, and black men may experience less of a labor market bonus for fatherhood."'^ Other research considers the role of employer discrimination. One study looks at a worker's race and gender and compares their employer's productivity descriptions with the employee's actual work records. The results demonstrate that some employers discriminate against women—particularly African-American women— stereotyping them as less committed or productive, even when their work records do not indicate any basis for such characterization."' Experimental research similarly suggests that employers stereotype mothers as less competent and committed. In a laboratory experiment carried out with undergraduate volunteers, the students assessed application materials for a mid-level marketing position; the materials established that candidates had the same credentials, experience, and productivity, but varied resumes by the first name of the worker, indicating race and gender, and listed that they volunteered in a community organization or for a parent-teacher FALL/WINTER 2013 29 Joya Misra and Eiko Strader organization. The researchers found that those who were believed to be mothers were less likely to get positions, and of those who were, they were offered lower salaries—7.9 percent less than perceived childless women and 8.6 percent less than fathers.''' The same study carried out an audit of actual employers advertising employment vacancies to see how they responded to applicaemployee applications included a py pp important gendered wage penalties a n d cover letter mentioning that the potential employee ^^^ relocating to the city, while others noted that ^^^^ "^^^^ specifically relocating with their families to the city. Women who mentioned families were half ^,. as Ukely to be interviewed than women who did not • * mention families, while men who mentioned families bonuses rather 1 j . . t n a n prOaUCtlVlty "^^^^ sUghtly more Hkely to be interviewed than men who did not.'^ Therefore, employers' assumptions ^^^^^ mothers' productivity may help account for differences d u e t o Specialization. some of the gender wage gap. Well-designed studies based on survey data may also challenge the specialization argument. One study compares partnered and single men and women, both childless and parents, and argues that if specialization explains wage differences, both partnered women and mothers would see penalties. Instead, both partnered men and women see wage premiums, relative to single men and women, though the gain is larger for men.'' In addition, if the specialization theory holds true, both men and women who have full-time working partners should experience penalties. Yet men's wages are higher when their partners work less than full-time, while the same is not true for partnered women. Moreover, while mothers appear to alter employment hours, job traits, and tenure in ways similar to fathers, whose wages increase, mothers experience a substantial wage penalty.^" In conclusion, there remain important gendered distinctions behind wage penalties and bonuses, rather than productivity differences due to specialization. •,.. • • ' ,S' ; „; . Both motherhood penalties and fatherhood bonuses vary cross-nationally. Considering this may allow us to analyze the factors driving these penalties and bonuses, since these reflect different patterns in employment, caregiving, and policies aimed at addressing work-family conflict. More research considers how motherhood wage penalties differ across countries, while considerably less examines the fatherhood bonus across countries.^' Wage premiums exist for fathers in all countries. However, these premiums are only robust in a few countries after controlling for variables such as human capital, marital status, and work hours. This bonus 30 JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS Gender Pay Equity in Advanced Countries: The Role of Parenthood and Policies also links to their partners' employment status. Men with a caregiving partner are more likely to earn the premium in a number of countries.^^ Motherhood penalties are more consistent across a wide range of countries, controlling for human capital, marital status, and work hours, though they vary dramatically in degree.^^ Previous cross-national studies suggest that work-family policies, such as paid leaves and state-subsidized childcare, may help explain this variation, a point we will examine below. How PARENTHOOD PENALTIES & BONUSES RELATE TO GENDER GAPS We explored gender gaps and parenthood effects using cross-national data collected by the Luxembourg Income Study (LIS) for Australia, Canada, Finland, France, East Germany, West Germany, Luxembourg, the Netherlands, Sweden, the United Kingdom, and the United States around the mid-2000s (Wave VI).^'' We examined the former East and former West Germany ("East Germany" and "West Germany") separately, because there remain significant socio-political and cultural differences after reunification, due to different histories of women's employment. We also looked at wages by comparing the percentile rankings, which corrects for differences in wage structures and makes interpretation fairly simple.^^ Lastly, in order to enhance the comparability of data, we excluded those who are selfemployed or in the armed forces. . . . .,.; . , • -t !^: Figure One: Gender Gap in Wage Across Eleven Countries in tiie mid-2000s -0.30 Source: Author's data analysis, Luxembourg Income Study Database (LIS). FALL/WINTER 2013 I 31 Joya Misra and Eiko Strader Figure One shows remarkable variation in the gender gap across all eleven countries, even after controlling for major determinants of earnings such as age, age-squared, education, marital status, and part-time employment among workers between twenty-five and forty-nine years of age.2*' Women in the Netherlands suffer from the highest earnings gap, whereas women in East Germany with equivalent demographic and human capital characteristics experience the lowest gap. More specifically, these estimates indicate that Dutch women on average rank twenty-eight percentiles lower on the earnings distribution than men with the same human capital, while women in East Germany rank ten percentiles lower than men. Interestingly, East Germany and West Germany have very different gender gaps; East German women were strongly engaged in the labor force for a number of decades, and the gender gap is much smaller than that in West Germany.2'' 0.10 . . L . ... . • ,: Figure Two: Wage Divergences from Childless Men's Wages Across Eleven Countries in the mid-2000s 0.00 -0.10 ra ni -0.20 • lit (0 l/t 3- -0.30 -0.40 Fathers \ Women Mothers Source: Author's data analysis, Luxembourg Income Study Database (LIS). In Figure Two, we took the wages of childless men as the baseline and considered how the wages of fathers, childless women, and mothers diverge from these, controlling for the same determinants as in Figure One.2^ Gountries are listed in the order of gender wage gap estimates taken from Figure One, which do not account for the effect of parenthood. The gap between childless women and childless men is much smaller than that between mothers and fathers, while parenthood 32 JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS Gender Pay Equity in Advanced Countries: The Role of Parenthood and Policies effects vary considerably across these cases. In three countries—East Germany, Luxembourg, and Sweden—there is no significant fatherhood bonus. Yet in every other country, fathers do appear to earn a premium, relative to childless men. Fatherhood bonuses are particularly strong in West Germany and the Netherlands; Dutch fathers earn almost ten percentiles more t h a n childless men with the same characteristics. This suggests that in most countries, fathers receive earnings bonuses, though the size of these bonuses varies. A gap remains between childless men's and childless women's earnings in all but one country—East Germany. This suggests that childless women in East Germany are more likely to experience gender parity.^' Figure Two shows that in most countries, childless women earn approximately zero percentiles (in East Germany) to thirteen percentiles (in Finland) less t h a n childless men. Since gender gaps vary between ten percentiles in East Germany and twenty-eight percentiles in the Netherlands, as shown in Figure One, it is clear that childless women face a smaller penalty t h a n women more broadly. O n the other hand, mothers pay a large penalty. Their wages are not only significantly smaller t h a n those of childless men, they are also significantly smaller t h a n those of childless women. Here we see t h a t mothers earn between nine percentiles (East Germany) and thirty-six percentiles (the Netherlands) less t h a n childless men. . , .••• , . < Motherhood penalties, relative to childless women, are smaller t h a n ten percentiles less in a number of countries, including Australia, East Germany, France, Luxembourg, Sweden, and the United Kingdom. We see very large motherhood penalties, or more t h a n twenty percentiles less, in both the Netherlands and West Germany—two countries with very high levels of part-time employment. In these two countries, motherhood wage penalties may reflect the perception of employers that consider mothers as less career-focused, even for those working full-time. Canada, Finland, and the United States have moderate motherhood penalties. On the whole. Figures One and Two make several points clear. First, gender wage gaps capture only part of the story. Pay gaps differ not only between men and women, as displayed in Figure One, but also among childless men and fathers and among childless women and mothers, as displayed in Figure Two. Second, if we compare the gender gap in Figure One with the gap between childless men and women in Figure Two, it becomes clear that a great deal of the overall gender gap can be attributed to parenthood differences—the bonuses fathers see and the penalties paid by mothers. Finally, the remarkable variation in these gaps across countries suggests that there are societal-level factors that are shaping these outcomes. In the next section, we t u r n to considering the policies that may most effectively mediate the motherhood penalty and the fatherhood bonus. FALL/WINTER 2013 33 Joya Misra and Eiko Strader POLICIES AIMED AT REDUCING THE GENDER GAP There are many policies that aim at reducing the gender gap, such as the U.S. Civil Rights Act of 1964.3° In a meta-analysis, researchers find that equal treatment laws are associated with lower gender wage gaps cross-nationally, although protective labor legislation targeted at women, usually excluding them from particular types of dangerous or hazardous work, tends to increase gender wage gaps.3' Hence, equal opportunity policies may lose power over time if enforcement mechanisms are not in place.^^ i^ ^^g y.S., for example, the Equal Pay Act of 1963 has a number of loopholes that make it less effective at fighting gender wage disMuch of the gender wage gap can also be attributed to occupational gender segregation, with women earning less in occupations traditionally staffed by women.^'' This leads to a range of policy approaches, such as comparable worth and other policies aimed at integrating occupations.^^ These policies, if designed effectively, also have the potential of making strong inroads regarding gender inequality. In addition to these approaches, however, we believe that there are other policies that can address the gender wage gap, and particularly the gaps that reflect parenthood, including motherhood penalties and fatherhood bonuses. We argue for two major sets of policies that can effectively mediate these inequalities. The first are moderate-length, gender-neutral, paid-leave policies, which allow both parents to share care for infants and toddlers. A second policy set includes publicly- funded childcare that aims at providing employment support for the parents, as well as caring for and educating toddlers and preschoolers and providing afterschool and vacation care. Leave Policies -^ ; Leave policies include maternity and paternity leaves—aimed at supporting mothers and fathers after the immediate birth or adoption of a child—as well as parental leaves, which are often longer and meant to enable parents to care for infants and young toddlers. These leaves may be paid or unpaid. In most countries, maternity and paternity leaves are well-paid, while parental leaves vary more in compensation. Parental leaves are often gender-neutral by design, but are generally taken by mother ...
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Tutor Answer

peachblack
School: UIUC

Please feel free to ask for clarifications or editing. Thank you.

Outline

Introduction
Body
Conclusion
References


Running head: GENDER PAY RESPONSE

Gender Pay Response
Student’s Name
Name of Course
Instructor’s Name

1

GENDER PAY RESPONSE

2
Gender Pay Response

Topic and a brief summary with analytical elements
The gender pay article talks of the pay disparities between male and female employees in
which the women receive relatively lower wages in most of the wealthy countries in the globe.
The author gives an explanation that tries to justify the reasons behind the pay inequality
regarding gender. In as much as the men are paid better wages than the women, there are
however variations in terms of payment amongst the employed men.
This is based on the fact that men get paid differently in the US relative to one’s race or
ethnicity. For instance, the African-American me do not receive the fatherhood bonuses like their
Latino male counterparts in the US. The Latino men get higher bonuses followed by the white
men and lastly the African-American (Misra, & Strader, 2013).
In as much as the disparities exist amongst the employed men, the author’s emphasis is
on the empowerment of women in terms of employment opportunities, bonuses and wages. The
author explains the interventions that would be put in place to enhance or achieve the agenda of
equality between the men and women in employment relative to the role each one of them plays
towards the raising of their families.
Evaluate content and language of the text
The author has portrayed a picture that demonstrates the reasons behind the gender pay
gap between men and women. However, the most exciting part of the argument that justifies why
men get higher pay is the aspect of motherhood penalties and fatherhood bonuses contrary to
mothers who get penalty.
In a nutshell, the author explains to us that men find favor for having children to raise
whereas the mothers get penalties for the latter. In the argument concerning the pay gap between
the mothers and ...

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Anonymous
awesome work thanks

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