Literature Review Grading Rubric1
Logic and Argumentation
The essay includes a
Insightful analysis that easily blends sources together,
illuminates the relationship between them, and identifies
(Excellent) clear, compelling
statement of its thesis, the primary ideas and salient features of each work;
which is appropriate for discernment of scholarly worth of sources based on clear
a literature review.
criteria, such as cogency, support of thesis, use of
sources, etc.; identification of biases, weaknesses, and
limitations of sources as well as strengths. This essay
demonstrates that the student has grasped the basics of
The essay includes a
Analysis blends sources together somewhat awkwardly,
(Good) clear, albeit somewhat shows some relationship between them but in a limited
undeveloped statement fashion, and identifies the primary ideas and salient
of its thesis, which is features of each work; limited discussion of scholarly
appropriate for a
worth of sources based on vague criteria; essay
demonstrates that student has more or less grasped the
basics of critical analysis.
The essay is organized
effectively into an appropriate
number of thoughtfullyordered paragraphs, generally
including strong topic and
The essay appropriately and judiciously
uses quotations and appropriate
paraphrasing from sources. All evidence
is appropriately cited. All sources are
clearly relevant to the topic, and all
sources are adequately addressed in
The essay is well organized for With minor errors, the essay
the most part. The
appropriately and judiciously uses
effectiveness of its
quotations and appropriate paraphrasing
organization could be
from sources. All evidence is
enhanced by more focused
appropriately cited. Some sources are
paragraphs and/or a stronger not adequately addressed in the essay.
topic and transition sentences.
The organization of the essay The essay uses quotations and
is clear, but its paragraph
paraphrasing awkwardly. Citation is
structure may require some
used, but all evidence is not clearly
revision. One or more
linked to citation. Multiple sources are
paragraphs may be too long or not adequately addressed in the essay.
too short, their main points
may be unclear, or an effective
introduction or conclusion may
D/F The essay's statement of Weak effort to compare and contrast sources but with no The organization of the essay The essay overuses quotations and
analytical depth; describes works without clear
is not adequate for its purpose. paraphrasing, in ways that do not relate
(Weak) purpose needs to be
identification of major themes and salient features; little It may be excessively brief, or well to the essay’s arguments. Citation is
or no discussion of scholarly worth; essay demonstrates essential structural elements present but haphazard. Majority of
significantly, and is not that student has little or no understanding of the basics of may be missing.
sources are not adequately addressed in
appropriate for a
The essay includes an
unclear statement of its
purpose, but is
for a literature review.
Good faith effort to compare and contrast sources but
with little analytical depth; describes works with limited
identification of major themes and salient features;
minimal discussion of scholarly worth; essay
demonstrates that student has a modest understanding of
the basics of critical analysis.
Adapted from: Corse, Theron. 2012. "History Workshop Essay Rubric." Tennessee State University. October 11.
MANIFESTO OF THE COMMUNIST
[From the English edition of 1888, edited by Friedrich Engels]
A spectre is haunting Europe—the spectre of Communism.
All the Powers of old Europe have entered into a holy alliance to
exorcise this spectre: Pope and Czar, Metternich and Guizot,
French Radicals and German police-spies.
Where is the party in opposition that has not been decried as Communistic by its
opponents in power? Where is the Opposition that has not hurled back the branding
reproach of Communism, against the more advanced opposition parties, as well as against
its reactionary adversaries?
Two things result from this fact.
I. Communism is already acknowledged by all European Powers to be itself a Power.
II. It is high time that Communists should openly, in the face of the whole world, publish
their views, their aims, their tendencies, and meet this nursery tale of the Spectre of
Communism with a Manifesto of the party itself.
To this end, Communists of various nationalities have assembled in London, and
sketched the following Manifesto, to be published in the English, French, German,
Italian, Flemish and Danish languages.
I. BOURGEOIS AND PROLETARIANS
The history of all hitherto existing societies is the history of class struggles.
Freeman and slave, patrician and plebeian, lord and serf, guild-master and journeyman, in
a word, oppressor and oppressed, stood in constant opposition to one another, carried on
an uninterrupted, now hidden, now open fight, a fight that each time ended, either in a
revolutionary re-constitution of society at large, or in the common ruin of the contending
In the earlier epochs of history, we find almost everywhere a complicated arrangement of
society into various orders, a manifold gradation of social rank. In ancient Rome we have
patricians, knights, plebeians, slaves; in the Middle Ages, feudal lords, vassals, guildmasters, journeymen, apprentices, serfs; in almost all of these classes, again, subordinate
The modern bourgeois society that has sprouted from the ruins of feudal society has not
done away with class antagonisms. It has but established new classes, new conditions of
oppression, new forms of struggle in place of the old ones. Our epoch, the epoch of the
bourgeoisie, possesses, however, this distinctive feature: it has simplified the class
antagonisms. Society as a whole is more and more splitting up into two great hostile
camps, into two great classes, directly facing each other: Bourgeoisie and Proletariat.
From the serfs of the Middle Ages sprang the chartered burghers of the earliest towns.
From these burgesses the first elements of the bourgeoisie were developed.
The discovery of America, the rounding of the Cape, opened up fresh ground for the
rising bourgeoisie. The East-Indian and Chinese markets, the colonisation of America,
trade with the colonies, the increase in the means of exchange and in commodities
generally, gave to commerce, to navigation, to industry, an impulse never before known,
and thereby, to the revolutionary element in the tottering feudal society, a rapid
The feudal system of industry, under which industrial production was monopolised by
closed guilds, now no longer sufficed for the growing wants of the new markets. The
manufacturing system took its place. The guild-masters were pushed on one side by the
manufacturing middle class; division of labour between the different corporate guilds
vanished in the face of division of labour in each single workshop.
Meantime the markets kept ever growing, the demand ever rising. Even manufacture no
longer sufficed. Thereupon, steam and machinery revolutionised industrial production.
The place of manufacture was taken by the giant, Modern Industry, the place of the
industrial middle class, by industrial millionaires, the leaders of whole industrial armies,
the modern bourgeois.
Modern industry has established the world-market, for which the discovery of America
paved the way. This market has given an immense development to commerce, to
navigation, to communication by land. This development has, in its time, reacted on the
extension of industry; and in proportion as industry, commerce, navigation, railways
extended, in the same proportion the bourgeoisie developed, increased its capital, and
pushed into the background every class handed down from the Middle Ages.
We see, therefore, how the modern bourgeoisie is itself the product of a long course of
development, of a series of revolutions in the modes of production and of exchange.
Each step in the development of the bourgeoisie was accompanied by a corresponding
political advance of that class. An oppressed class under the sway of the feudal nobility,
an armed and self-governing association in the mediaeval commune; here independent
urban republic (as in Italy and Germany), there taxable "third estate" of the monarchy (as
in France), afterwards, in the period of manufacture proper, serving either the semi-feudal
or the absolute monarchy as a counterpoise against the nobility, and, in fact, corner-stone
of the great monarchies in general, the bourgeoisie has at last, since the establishment of
Modern Industry and of the world-market, conquered for itself, in the modern
representative State, exclusive political sway. The executive of the modern State is but a
committee for managing the common affairs of the whole bourgeoisie.
The bourgeoisie, historically, has played a most revolutionary part.
The bourgeoisie, wherever it has got the upper hand, has put an end to all feudal,
patriarchal, idyllic relations. It has pitilessly torn asunder the motley feudal ties that
bound man to his "natural superiors," and has left remaining no other nexus between man
and man than naked self-interest, than callous "cash payment." It has drowned the most
heavenly ecstasies of religious fervour, of chivalrous enthusiasm, of philistine
sentimentalism, in the icy water of egotistical calculation. It has resolved personal worth
into exchange value, and in place of the numberless and indefeasible chartered freedoms,
has set up that single, unconscionable freedom—Free Trade. In one word, for
exploitation, veiled by religious and political illusions, naked, shameless, direct, brutal
The bourgeoisie has stripped of its halo every occupation hitherto honoured and looked
up to with reverent awe. It has converted the physician, the lawyer, the priest, the poet,
the man of science, into its paid wage labourers.
The bourgeoisie has torn away from the family its sentimental veil, and has reduced the
family relation to a mere money relation.
The bourgeoisie has disclosed how it came to pass that the brutal display of vigour in the
Middle Ages, which Reactionists so much admire, found its fitting complement in the
most slothful indolence. It has been the first to show what man's activity can bring about.
It has accomplished wonders far surpassing Egyptian pyramids, Roman aqueducts, and
Gothic cathedrals; it has conducted expeditions that put in the shade all former Exoduses
of nations and crusades.
The bourgeoisie cannot exist without constantly revolutionising the instruments of
production, and thereby the relations of production, and with them the whole relations of
society. Conservation of the old modes of production in unaltered form, was, on the
contrary, the first condition of existence for all earlier industrial classes. Constant
revolutionising of production, uninterrupted disturbance of all social conditions,
everlasting uncertainty and agitation distinguish the bourgeois epoch from all earlier
ones. All fixed, fast-frozen relations, with their train of ancient and venerable prejudices
and opinions, are swept away, all new-formed ones become antiquated before they can
ossify. All that is solid melts into air, all that is holy is profaned, and man is at last
compelled to face with sober senses, his real conditions of life, and his relations with his
The need of a constantly expanding market for its products chases the bourgeoisie over
the whole surface of the globe. It must nestle everywhere, settle everywhere, establish
The bourgeoisie has through its exploitation of the world-market given a cosmopolitan
character to production and consumption in every country. To the great chagrin of
Reactionists, it has drawn from under the feet of industry the national ground on which it
stood. All old-established national industries have been destroyed or are daily being
destroyed. They are dislodged by new industries, whose introduction becomes a life and
death question for all civilised nations, by industries that no longer work up indigenous
raw material, but raw material drawn from the remotest zones; industries whose products
are consumed, not only at home, but in every quarter of the globe. In place of the old
wants, satisfied by the productions of the country, we find new wants, requiring for their
satisfaction the products of distant lands and climes. In place of the old local and national
seclusion and self-sufficiency, we have intercourse in every direction, universal interdependence of nations. And as in material, so also in intellectual production. The
intellectual creations of individual nations become common property. National onesidedness and narrow-mindedness become more and more impossible, and from the
numerous national and local literatures, there arises a world literature.
The bourgeoisie, by the rapid improvement of all instruments of production, by the
immensely facilitated means of communication, draws all, even the most barbarian,
nations into civilisation. The cheap prices of its commodities are the heavy artillery with
which it batters down all Chinese walls, with which it forces the barbarians' intensely
obstinate hatred of foreigners to capitulate. It compels all nations, on pain of extinction,
to adopt the bourgeois mode of production; it compels them to introduce what it calls
civilisation into their midst, i.e., to become bourgeois themselves. In one word, it creates
a world after its own image.
The bourgeoisie has subjected the country to the rule of the towns. It has created
enormous cities, has greatly increased the urban population as compared with the rural,
and has thus rescued a considerable part of the population from the idiocy of rural life.
Just as it has made the country dependent on the towns, so it has made barbarian and
semi-barbarian countries dependent on the civilised ones, nations of peasants on nations
of bourgeois, the East on the West.
The bourgeoisie keeps more and more doing away with the scattered state of the
population, of the means of production, and of property. It has agglomerated production,
and has concentrated property in a few hands. The necessary consequence of this was
political centralisation. Independent, or but loosely connected provinces, with separate
interests, laws, governments and systems of taxation, became lumped together into one
nation, with one government, one code of laws, one national class-interest, one frontier
and one customs-tariff. The bourgeoisie, during its rule of scarce one hundred years, has
created more massive and more colossal productive forces than have all preceding
generations together. Subjection of Nature's forces to man, machinery, application of
chemistry to industry and agriculture, steam-navigation, railways, electric telegraphs,
clearing of whole continents for cultivation, canalisation of rivers, whole populations
conjured out of the ground—what earlier century had even a presentiment that such
productive forces slumbered in the lap of social labour?
We see then: the means of production and of exchange, on whose foundation the
bourgeoisie built itself up, were generated in feudal society. At a certain stage in the
development of these means of production and of exchange, the conditions under which
feudal society produced and exchanged, the feudal organisation of agriculture and
manufacturing industry, in one word, the feudal relations of property became no longer
compatible with the already developed productive forces; they became so many fetters.
They had to be burst asunder; they were burst asunder.
Into their place stepped free competition, accompanied by a social and political
constitution adapted to it, and by the economical and political sway of the bourgeois
A similar movement is going on before our own eyes. Modern bourgeois society with its
relations of production, of exchange and of property, a society that has conjured up such
gigantic means of production and of exchange, is like the sorcerer, who is no longer able
to control the powers of the nether world whom he has called up by his spells. For many
a decade past the history of industry and commerce is but the history of the revolt of
modern productive forces against modern conditions of production, against the property
relations that are the conditions for the existence of the bourgeoisie and of its rule. It is
enough to mention the commercial crises that by their periodical return put on its trial,
each time more threateningly, the existence of the entire bourgeois society. In these crises
a great part not only of the existing products, but also of the previously created
productive forces, are periodically destroyed. In these crises there breaks out an epidemic
that, in all earlier epochs, would have seemed an absurdity—the epidemic of overproduction. Society suddenly finds itself put back into a state of momentary barbarism; it
appears as if a famine, a universal war of devastation had cut off the supply of every
means of subsistence; industry and commerce seem to be destroyed; and why? Because
there is too much civilisation, too much means of subsistence, too much industry, too
much commerce. The productive forces at the disposal of society no longer tend to
further the development of the conditions of bourgeois property; on the contrary, they
have become too powerful for these conditions, by which they are fettered, and so soon
as they overcome these fetters, they bring disorder into the whole of bourgeois society,
endanger the existence of bourgeois property. The conditions of bourgeois society are too
narrow to comprise the wealth created by them. And how does the bourgeoisie get over
these crises? On the one hand inforced destruction of a mass of productive forces; on the
other, by the conquest of new markets, and by the more thorough exploitation of the old
ones. That is to say, by paving the way for more extensive and more destructive crises,
and by diminishing the means whereby crises are prevented.
The weapons with which the bourgeoisie felled feudalism to the ground are now turned
against the bourgeoisie itself.
But not only has the bourgeoisie forged the weapons that bring death to itself; it has also
called into existence the men who are to wield those weapons—the modern working
In proportion as the bourgeoisie, i.e., capital, is developed, in the same proportion is the
proletariat, the modern working class, developed—a class of labourers, who live only so
long as they find work, and who find work only so long as their labour increases capital.
These labourers, who must sell themselves piece-meal, are a commodity, like every other
article of commerce, and are consequently exposed to all the vicissitudes of competition,
to all the fluctuations of the market.
Owing to the extensive use of machinery and to division of labour, the work of the
proletarians has lost all individual character, and consequently, all charm for the
workman. He becomes an appendage of the machine, and it is only the most simple, most
monotonous, and most easily acquired knack, that is required of him. Hence, the cost of
production of a workman is restricted, almost entirely, to the means of subsistence that he
requires for his maintenance, and for the propagation of his race. But the price of a
commodity, and therefore also of labour, is equal to its cost of production. In proportion
therefore, as the repulsiveness of the work increases, the wage decreases. Nay more, in
proportion as the u ...
Purchase answer to see full attachment