Showing Page:
1/13
Stacy Perez
Professor Romero
CS 143-Mestizaje
19 September 2019
Prompt: Essay Prompt: "Mi Familia"(My Family) 6-7pages,double-spaced
“Mi Familia” traces the process of social identity formation amongst three generations of a Mexican
immigrant family living in the United States. The film depicts the various ways in which different members
of this family adapt to their socially and economically marginalized group status as Mexican Americans.
Succinctly describe the process of social identity formation. Your response should include a discussion of
the following terms: social categorization, social comparison, psychological work, and consciousness.
Choose two of the following characters from “Mi Familia” and compare and contrast their experiences of
psychological work as depicted in the film.
Maria, the family matriarch
Jose, the family patriarch
Toni (Constance Marie), sister and nun turned social activist
Jimmy (Jimmy Smits), the ex-convict who witnessed his brother’s murder by the police when he was a
child
Memo (Enrique Castillo), brother and UCLA lawyer
Chucho (Esai Morales), brother and “pachuco” who is shot dead by police after a deadly conflict with a
rival gang member
Coming To America
Showing Page:
2/13
Since the beginning of the 20th century, Latino immigrants have attempted or completed
the dangerous and difficult journey into the United States in search of better life opportunities for
themselves and their families. The movie, Mi Familia directed by Gregory Nava and produced
by Anna Thomas, utilizes a one-person narrator perspective by Paco Sanchez, a second-
generation Mexican immigrant to give the historical and political background of events that have
led many Mexican Americans struggling in the United States during the 1930s to the 1980s. Mi
Familia shows to be a unique film that elaborates and focuses on racial and cultural change of
Mexican-Americans. Within the film, social conflict arises within communities and social
identity becomes a struggling matter for many because assimilation and acculturation are highly
ranked as an important need to have in order to fit into American culture. The movie further
demonstrates a character’s identity through personal experience to understand Mexican-
Americans in Los Angeles and the issues they face pertaining to their ethnic identity, and how
they categorize themselves accordingly to find out “who they are'' and where they belong in
society. In the United States, second generation Mexican-Americans ultimately suffer in
grounding themselves in social identity because they experience struggles of assimilation and
systematic oppression that causes major social and economical effects to individuals and
families in the Los Angeles communities.
At the beginning of Mi Familia, cultural assimilation is depicted through the “adapting
to and resembling” of dominant cultural values, behaviors, and beliefs. The transition from “old
culture” to the “new culture” comes to life. The visual of the bridge and the voice-over by Paco,
portrayed by Edward James Olmos, references a sense of kinship and community of being apart
of a migrant Mexican-American family: "Whenever I see the bridges that connects East Los
Angeles and Los Angeles, I think of my family"().This unique quote is used as a metaphor to
Showing Page:
3/13
symbolize his family members journey through assimilation, from Mexican culture into
American culture. To understand what experiences the Sancheaz family members have gone
through in the movie, we are able to use Henri Tajfel’s social identity formation theory, to help
us understand and to demonstrate a person's importance in belonging to a specific group. From
the movie, we are able to further our understanding by seeing how casual roles of the characters
are used to further highlight a person’s identity through a group membership called social
categorization. And from watching the movie, two examples that demonstrate assimilation in the
best manner possible, living in East Los Angeles as second-generation Mexican-Americans, are
Jimmy and Memo’s life experiences and their personal identity struggle.
*Growing up in a Mexican-American family was problematic for most of the second-
generation Sanchez children. For Jimmy Sanchaez, the youngest boy, he grows up in an
oppressive environment. At the age of nine years old he witnesses the death of his brother,
Chucho. His brother was killed in front of him, shot in the head by police officers. In this scene
(), police brutality is highly portrayed. And from such a horrific- fatal incident Jimmy becomes
scared with hate for white American and the “system”- in this case the Los Angeles Police
Department. Living in an era of police brutality, and witnessing his brothers murder, Jimmy
finds himself struck in a identity crisis. ()Years later, In the family; he is an ex-convict.
Since the beginning of the film, Mi Familia, Memo has been depicted as the outsider of
his family because he is considered to be “pocho” in everything he does and stands for.
Beginning in his youth years Memo has come to realize how important having an education is
and how education could only benefit anyone who is considered a minority.
Showing Page:
4/13
As Memo grows up we see him gain consciousness of his social surroundings. He realizes that
being Mexican-American in Los Angeles is not beneficial at all for him and his family. By
realizing early on how Mexican-America ns like his family are being treated unfairly in society
and face backlash for being Mexican in a white society, we see Memo use social identity
formation to help him advance outside his Chicano community into a rich-white community. He
adopts different characteristics of white identities by affiliating himself with education. The most
known scapegoats at the time to help any Mexican leave their social group. The better educated
you were and education you received the better social status you had as a minority. After Memo
has come back from Law School we can see how much he has already changed, he has become a
new Memo through self-discovery and has found a new social group to belong to based on his
affiliated characteristics.
At this point, through “sense of self” and social identity Memo has become successful in
creating a new identity for himself. We see towards the beginning he no longer speaks to his
father and mother in their native tongue, Spanish. Then, we see Memo go off to an elite Law
school causes his Americaness to awake. He no longer identifies socially as Mexican. Finally,
we see Memo ultimately identify himself as American and not Mexican by not embracing his
roots. When he changes his name to Robert and denies his family’s journey struggle coming to
the United States. The consciousness of being Mexican-American becomes real to Memo and his
family when both realize neither have nothing in common to share or relate to. Memo’s social
identity with his family has become the social categorization that divides him and his family in
society. All has been done through Memo’s psychological work to only see the positive end
result of gain social status as a Mexican-American and building a positive self-image of himself.
He found his belonging by becoming an adult and becoming a lawyer.
Showing Page:
5/13
First, both characters show to “belong” and share the same social categorization of being
Mexican American when they are born and brought up into adulthood. And being labeled as a
Chicano, both show to be of Mexican descent and have been born in the United States, and at the
same time identify with two different cultures-American culture and Mexican culture. Chicanos
embrace their heritage background consciously, and they also embrace being a natural born U.S.
citizen. But, belonging to multiple social groups, Memo and Jimmy have found it hard to find
themselves (their true identity) and fit into society. Ultimately, both characters are faced with the
difficulties that come with adapting to another culture or upholding their ancestors' culture. Like
many other Mexican-Americans, we can see how a person is forced or chooses to assimilate into
a dominant culture because of systematic oppression.
Wanting to better themselves and live better lives than the previous generation before
them causes the characters to “willing” assimilate into American culture as a second-generation
Mexican. By assimilating into the American culture, we can see their descent culture is lost
along the way by adapting to the dominant culture, speaking English and dressing in an
American fashion. Knowing where they stand in society as a Mexican-American, and knowing
their limited capabilities we see how both characters try to overcome their ethnic stigmas through
assimilation.
Through consciousness Memo and Jimmy assimilate into the American Culture. With
both characters becoming aware of their surroundings we are able to see how each character
“individually” assimilates themselves into the dominant -American culture to only help their
identity formation to find out “who they are ''.
Showing Page:
6/13
Living in East Los Angeles, not in West Los Angeles we can see the rise of group
categorization. Mexican descent individuals and their families have settled and continue to build
their families in this area because “familiarity” is confirmed with “commonalities” through
Nationality, language, and ethnicity. More so, it is through the physical and social traits that
“categorizes” a person into a unique belonging that represents a group membership of being
Mexican-American. Having social or physical characteristics that are “meaningful” in particular
social contexts can be the basis for social categorization and thus the basis for the creation of
social identities.
The second process that underlies the construction of social identities is social
comparison. Psychologically, Tajfel argues that social comparison inevitably follows social
categorization. Once individuals are categorized, they naturally tend to compare their group(s)
with others. Societal evaluation is also critical in social comparison. According to Tajfel, the
characteristics of one's group(s) as a whole (such as a group's status, its richness or poverty, or its
ability to reach its aims) achieve significance in relation to perceived differences from other
groups and the value connotation of these differences (Tajfel 1978).
The third process involves psychological work, both cognitive and emotional work, that
is prompted by what Tajfel assumes is a universal motive-to achieve a positive sense of
distinctiveness. This motive can be fulfilled through feeling good about the groups into which
individuals have been categorized and is activated by the discomfort that follows being
categorized into devalued groups. The groups and categories that are most problematic for a
sense of positive distinctiveness-ones that are disparaged, memberships that have to be
negotiated frequently because they are visible to others, ones that have become politicized by
Showing Page:
7/13
social movements, etc.-are the most likely to become social identities for individuals. Moreover,
it is these identities that become especially powerful psychologically. They are easily accessible;
individuals think alot about them; they are apt to be salient across situations; they are likely to
function as schemas, frameworks, or social scripts. Unproblematic group memberships-ones that
are socially valued or accord privilege, those that are not obvious to others-may not even become
social identity
*Historical and structural differences between first and later generations of Mexican
descendant should affect the complexity and types of social categorizations and social
comparisons they are subjected to, and thus the structure and content of their social identities
Indeed, the sheer complexity of the U.S.-based history is what fuels a sense of a unique
Chicano self that the first-generation immigrants find difficult to share. The history and politics
that are relevanto immigrants' social identities focus more on Mexico than on the experience of
Mexicans in the United States. The complex, collective U.S.-based history has produced multiple
constructions of ethnicity that are available for the later generations to use as they construct their
own social identities. Alvarez (1973) explicitly ties collective modes of dealing with this history
to generational constructions of ethnic identity. Members of the later generations can draw on all
of these generational modes. Alvarez delineates four generations: the Creation Generation (1848-
1900) who experienced loss of national identity, common language, and cultural ties with
country women and men; the Migrant Generation (1900-1942) who fled Mexico's political
upheavals and economic problems and who were variously recruited and expelled for labor in the
United States; the Mexican-American Generation (1942-1966) whose participation in World War
II and in the economic expansion following the war strengthened their sense of loyalty to the
United States; and, the Chicano Generation (1966 to present) who as the most economically
Showing Page:
8/13
stable, affluent, and educated group of Mexican descendants, nonetheless, developed a critique
of their parents' loyalty to the United States and formed a new sense of self that was neither
oriented to Mexico nor an assimilated American. From a social identity framework, a Chicano
sense of self is based on a social comparison with the U.S. mainstream, the "new" reference
group, which results in higher expectations of what U.S. society should allow Mexicans in this
country to accomplish. Indeed, from Tajfel's framework, the development of a Chicano social
identity stems largely from blocked opportunity. This is how Alvarez describes the most recent
mode, a uniquely Chicano construction of identity.
Alvarez emphasizes that each generation succeeds one another, providing the potential
for new manifestations of ethnic identification built upon the psycho-historical experiences of
their predecessors. How might these generational modes of dealing with the U.S.-based
collective history of Mexican descendants affect the structure of the social identities of the later
generations? These culturally-defined and generationally-specific modes provide multiple
models that members of the later generations can use in thinking about their own identities.
Across time, persons of Mexican descent developed many ways of dealing with ethnicity. While
particular generations developed prototypic conceptions of what it means to be an American of
Mexican descent, the new identities did not replace older ones. New ways of thinking about the
self and about ethnicity were added as older ways were refined and retained as well. Each
generation had a richer cultural repertoire of identity constructions to draw upon. Multiplicity is
the cultural, historical legacy of the later generations, a legacy that the first-generation
immigrants lack. The structure of social identities of the later generations should show the effect
of this historical, cultural heritage through greater multiplicity of identities.
Showing Page:
9/13
Unproblematic group memberships-ones that are socially valued or accord privilege,
those that are not obvious to others-may not even become social identities. This helps explain the
rarity of a white identity or a Yankee identity or an identity as a man.--- pay most attention to
social categorizations and group memberships that are likely to require the most negotiation and
psychological work to gain a positive sense of distinctiveness.
These problematic statuses should produce identities constructed specifically around
immigrant and manual worker. We also expect that United States/American symbols and labels
would be especially problematic for the first generation who have not yet settled their eventual
citizenship and residency decisions.
Chucho and Jimmy, both have join a gang in East Los Angeles witnessing his brother
Chucho’s death, being gunned down by “white” police officers who display police brutality
towards Mexican-Americans makes him realize that being Mexican-American in the United
States causes people of Mexican descent to constantly fear for their lives and their future well-
being. From such experiences both no longer feels they should categorize themselves as
Mexican-Americans, but as Chicanos, rebelling against all negative stereotypes. (57:46).
Now, twenty-years later Jimmy has been in and out of prison for armed robbery, being an
ex-convict, and juvenile gang-member making trouble where ever he goes. A Pachuco in society
is his ideal social categorization. Being categorized as a Pachuco, Jimmy is able to feel a sense of
belonging after his brother’s death. Furthermore, Jimmy feels he belongs to such a group because
Pachuchos are known to rebel against Mexican-American oppressions experienced in the United
States.
Showing Page:
10/13
**This paper uses Tajfel's Social Identity Theory (Tajfel 1978, 1981; Tajfel and Turner
1979) as a framework for a social psychological analysis of a limited set of cultural adaptations
of persons of Mexican origin living in the United States. Tajfel's conceptualization of social
identity, which emphasizes the causal role of social categorization and social comparison, is the
most widely used framework in psychology for explaining identity formation, persistence, and
change. It should therefore be particularly helpful in understanding how immigrants' social
identities change as a result of living in a new country.
Social categorization- (talk about it)
Social comparison- (talk about it)
Psychological work- Jimmy, memo before/ after (compare,contrast)
Consciousness- come/ contrast -jimmy,memo
Contrast: How do they adapt to their socially and economically marginalized groups
status as ,mexican americans.
Past treatments of immigration and ethnicity (and of the relationship between them) tend to ignore
processes by which the effects of history and social structure occur at the individual level. Many
scholars call for social psychological analyses that show how history and macro-social features of
the environment produce individual modes of adaptation to immigration, including the construction
and reconstruction of ethnicity as one of the modes. We use a social psychological analysis to tie
macro-social characteristics to micro-social characteristics of immediate social contexts to examine
Showing Page:
11/13
how two groups of Mexicans in the United States-Mexicanos and Chicanos-differ in their social
identities and in their cultural adaptations. Our results from the analyses of the data in the National
Chicano Survey indicate that, as predicted by social identity theory, the differences in the structural
and historical conditions experienced by immigrants and ethnics result in a more differentiated
identity structure for Chicanos than for Mexicanos. The content of the social identities of the two
groups also shows important differences according to outgroup comparisons through mastery of the
English language. Also consistent with social identity theory, the most problematic social identities-
for example, class and race-are the most psychologically powerful in determining cultural
adaptations for both groups. In conclusion, differences between immigrants and ethnics are largely
the outcome of shifts in reference groups as they compare themselves to a wider array of people
who either promote acceptance of devalued social categorizations or in feelings of discontent about
one's social identity.
s Tajfel's Social Identity Theory (Tajfel 1978, 1981; Tajfel and Turner 1979)
as a framework for a social psychological analysis of a limited set of cultural adaptations
of
persons of Mexican origin living in the United States. Tajfel's conceptualization of social
identity, which emphasizes the causal role of social categorization and social
comparison, is the
most widely used framework in psychology for explaining identity formation,
persistence,
and change
Showing Page:
12/13
Their social identities are socially constructed from the knowledge individual members
have about their group's collective history and from their experiences in various social
structures in the United States. Historical and structural influences operate through a
variety of social processes, but following Tajfel, we emphasize their effects on social
categorization, social comparison, and what is made problematic psychologically as
individuals form social identities. These psychological processes affect both the content
and structure of social identities. We further argue that social identities then serve as
mediators of cultural adaptations.
*w social identities may change as a result of the group's social psychological
experience . Second and later generations show in their social identities affiliations
based on their ethnic group's history as well as their current contact with groups in the
United States. The distinction between immigrant generations is unusually important for
Mexicans in the United States
t, the U.S. history of the later generations of Mexican descendants spans an especially
long time period. Some Mexicans in the United States come from families who lived in
what was Mexico and became U.S. territory following the U.S.-Mexican War of 1848.
Others come from families who immigrated later in the 19th century and in the relatively
continuous flows of immigration that have occurred since then, even when flows from
other countries were reduced to a trickle or entirely cut between 1924 and 1965
(Schaefer 1984; Portes and Rumbaut 1990). Thus, the long collective history of U.S.
citizens of Mexican descent has great meaning in their cultural, political, and
psychological adaptations
Showing Page:
13/13
*We think of ourselves as part of social categories and groups. We also think of
ourselves as having psychological traits and dispositions that give us personal
uniqueness. This paper is concerned with social identities-the aspects of an individual's
self-concept that derive from one's knowledge of being part of categories and groups,
together with the value and emotional significance attached to those memberships
(Tajfel 1981
The characters ultimately compare by having a Chicano consciousness.***

Unformatted Attachment Preview

Stacy Perez Professor Romero CS 143-Mestizaje 19 September 2019 Prompt: Essay Prompt: "Mi Familia"(My Family) 6-7pages,double-spaced “Mi Familia” traces the process of social identity formation amongst three generations of a Mexican immigrant family living in the United States. The film depicts the various ways in which different members of this family adapt to their socially and economically marginalized group status as Mexican Americans. Succinctly describe the process of social identity formation. Your response should include a discussion of the following terms: social categorization, social comparison, psychological work, and consciousness. Choose two of the following characters from “Mi Familia” and compare and contrast their experiences of psychological work as depicted in the film. Maria, the family matriarch Jose, the family patriarch Toni (Constance Marie), sister and nun turned social activist Jimmy (Jimmy Smits), the ex-convict who witnessed his brother’s murder by the police when he was a child Memo (Enrique Castillo), brother and UCLA lawyer Chucho (Esai Morales), brother and “pachuco” who is shot dead by police after a deadly conflict with a rival gang member Coming To America Since the beginning of the 20th century, Latino immigrants have attempted or completed the dangerous and difficult journey into the United States in search of better life opportunities for themselves and their families. The movie, Mi Familia directed by Gregory Nava and produced by Anna Thomas, utilizes a one-person narrator perspective by Paco Sanchez, a secondgeneration Mexican immigrant to give the historical and political background of events that have led many Mexican Americans struggling in the United States during the 1930s to the 1980s. Mi Familia shows to be a unique film that elaborates and focuses on racial and cultural change of Mexican-Americans. Within the film, social conflict arises within communities and social identity becomes a struggling matter for many because assimilation and acculturation are highly ranked as an important need to have in order to fit into American culture. The movie further demonstrates a character’s identity through personal experience to understand MexicanAmericans in Los Angeles and the issues they face pertaining to their ethnic identity, and how they categorize themselves accordingly to find out “who they are'' and where they belong in society. In the United States, second generation Mexican-Americans ultimately suffer in grounding themselves in social identity because they experience struggles of assimilation and systematic oppression that causes major social and economical effects to individuals and families in the Los Angeles communities. At the beginning of Mi Familia, cultural assimilation is depicted through the “adapting to and resembling” of dominant cultural values, behaviors, and beliefs. The transition from “old culture” to the “new culture” comes to life. The visual of the bridge and the voice-over by Paco, portrayed by Edward James Olmos, references a sense of kinship and community of being apart of a migrant Mexican-American family: "Whenever I see the bridges that connects East Los Angeles and Los Angeles, I think of my family"().This unique quote is used as a metaphor to symbolize his family members journey through assimilation, from Mexican culture into American culture. To understand what experiences the Sancheaz family members have gone through in the movie, we are able to use Henri Tajfel’s social identity formation theory, to help us understand and to demonstrate a person's importance in belonging to a specific group. From the movie, we are able to further our understanding by seeing how casual roles of the characters are used to further highlight a person’s identity through a group membership called social categorization. And from watching the movie, two examples that demonstrate assimilation in the best manner possible, living in East Los Angeles as second-generation Mexican-Americans, are Jimmy and Memo’s life experiences and their personal identity struggle. *Growing up in a Mexican-American family was problematic for most of the secondgeneration Sanchez children. For Jimmy Sanchaez, the youngest boy, he grows up in an oppressive environment. At the age of nine years old he witnesses the death of his brother, Chucho. His brother was killed in front of him, shot in the head by police officers. In this scene (), police brutality is highly portrayed. And from such a horrific- fatal incident Jimmy becomes scared with hate for white American and the “system”- in this case the Los Angeles Police Department. Living in an era of police brutality, and witnessing his brothers murder, Jimmy finds himself struck in a identity crisis. ()Years later, In the family; he is an ex-convict. Since the beginning of the film, Mi Familia, Memo has been depicted as the outsider of his family because he is considered to be “pocho” in everything he does and stands for. Beginning in his youth years Memo has come to realize how important having an education is and how education could only benefit anyone who is considered a minority. As Memo grows up we see him gain consciousness of his social surroundings. He realizes that being Mexican-American in Los Angeles is not beneficial at all for him and his family. By realizing early on how Mexican-America ns like his family are being treated unfairly in society and face backlash for being Mexican in a white society, we see Memo use social identity formation to help him advance outside his Chicano community into a rich-white community. He adopts different characteristics of white identities by affiliating himself with education. The most known scapegoats at the time to help any Mexican leave their social group. The better educated you were and education you received the better social status you had as a minority. After Memo has come back from Law School we can see how much he has already changed, he has become a new Memo through self-discovery and has found a new social group to belong to based on his affiliated characteristics. At this point, through “sense of self” and social identity Memo has become successful in creating a new identity for himself. We see towards the beginning he no longer speaks to his father and mother in their native tongue, Spanish. Then, we see Memo go off to an elite Law school causes his Americaness to awake. He no longer identifies socially as Mexican. Finally, we see Memo ultimately identify himself as American and not Mexican by not embracing his roots. When he changes his name to Robert and denies his family’s journey struggle coming to the United States. The consciousness of being Mexican-American becomes real to Memo and his family when both realize neither have nothing in common to share or relate to. Memo’s social identity with his family has become the social categorization that divides him and his family in society. All has been done through Memo’s psychological work to only see the positive end result of gain social status as a Mexican-American and building a positive self-image of himself. He found his belonging by becoming an adult and becoming a lawyer. First, both characters show to “belong” and share the same social categorization of being Mexican American when they are born and brought up into adulthood. And being labeled as a Chicano, both show to be of Mexican descent and have been born in the United States, and at the same time identify with two different cultures-American culture and Mexican culture. Chicanos embrace their heritage background consciously, and they also embrace being a natural born U.S. citizen. But, belonging to multiple social groups, Memo and Jimmy have found it hard to find themselves (their true identity) and fit into society. Ultimately, both characters are faced with the difficulties that come with adapting to another culture or upholding their ancestors' culture. Like many other Mexican-Americans, we can see how a person is forced or chooses to assimilate into a dominant culture because of systematic oppression. Wanting to better themselves and live better lives than the previous generation before them causes the characters to “willing” assimilate into American culture as a second-generation Mexican. By assimilating into the American culture, we can see their descent culture is lost along the way by adapting to the dominant culture, speaking English and dressing in an American fashion. Knowing where they stand in society as a Mexican-American, and knowing their limited capabilities we see how both characters try to overcome their ethnic stigmas through assimilation. Through consciousness Memo and Jimmy assimilate into the American Culture. With both characters becoming aware of their surroundings we are able to see how each character “individually” assimilates themselves into the dominant -American culture to only help their identity formation to find out “who they are ''. Living in East Los Angeles, not in West Los Angeles we can see the rise of group categorization. Mexican descent individuals and their families have settled and continue to build their families in this area because “familiarity” is confirmed with “commonalities” through Nationality, language, and ethnicity. More so, it is through the physical and social traits that “categorizes” a person into a unique belonging that represents a group membership of being Mexican-American. Having social or physical characteristics that are “meaningful” in particular social contexts can be the basis for social categorization and thus the basis for the creation of social identities. The second process that underlies the construction of social identities is social comparison. Psychologically, Tajfel argues that social comparison inevitably follows social categorization. Once individuals are categorized, they naturally tend to compare their group(s) with others. Societal evaluation is also critical in social comparison. According to Tajfel, the characteristics of one's group(s) as a whole (such as a group's status, its richness or poverty, or its ability to reach its aims) achieve significance in relation to perceived differences from other groups and the value connotation of these differences (Tajfel 1978). The third process involves psychological work, both cognitive and emotional work, that is prompted by what Tajfel assumes is a universal motive-to achieve a positive sense of distinctiveness. This motive can be fulfilled through feeling good about the groups into which individuals have been categorized and is activated by the discomfort that follows being categorized into devalued groups. The groups and categories that are most problematic for a sense of positive distinctiveness-ones that are disparaged, memberships that have to be negotiated frequently because they are visible to others, ones that have become politicized by social movements, etc.-are the most likely to become social identities for individuals. Moreover, it is these identities that become especially powerful psychologically. They are easily accessible; individuals think alot about them; they are apt to be salient across situations; they are likely to function as schemas, frameworks, or social scripts. Unproblematic group memberships-ones that are socially valued or accord privilege, those that are not obvious to others-may not even become social identity *Historical and structural differences between first and later generations of Mexican descendant should affect the complexity and types of social categorizations and social comparisons they are subjected to, and thus the structure and content of their social identities Indeed, the sheer complexity of the U.S.-based history is what fuels a sense of a unique Chicano self that the first-generation immigrants find difficult to share. The history and politics that are relevanto immigrants' social identities focus more on Mexico than on the experience of Mexicans in the United States. The complex, collective U.S.-based history has produced multiple constructions of ethnicity that are available for the later generations to use as they construct their own social identities. Alvarez (1973) explicitly ties collective modes of dealing with this history to generational constructions of ethnic identity. Members of the later generations can draw on all of these generational modes. Alvarez delineates four generations: the Creation Generation (18481900) who experienced loss of national identity, common language, and cultural ties with country women and men; the Migrant Generation (1900-1942) who fled Mexico's political upheavals and economic problems and who were variously recruited and expelled for labor in the United States; the Mexican-American Generation (1942-1966) whose participation in World War II and in the economic expansion following the war strengthened their sense of loyalty to the United States; and, the Chicano Generation (1966 to present) who as the most economically stable, affluent, and educated group of Mexican descendants, nonetheless, developed a critique of their parents' loyalty to the United States and formed a new sense of self that was neither oriented to Mexico nor an assimilated American. From a social identity framework, a Chicano sense of self is based on a social comparison with the U.S. mainstream, the "new" reference group, which results in higher expectations of what U.S. society should allow Mexicans in this country to accomplish. Indeed, from Tajfel's framework, the development of a Chicano social identity stems largely from blocked opportunity. This is how Alvarez describes the most recent mode, a uniquely Chicano construction of identity. Alvarez emphasizes that each generation succeeds one another, providing the potential for new manifestations of ethnic identification built upon the psycho-historical experiences of their predecessors. How might these generational modes of dealing with the U.S.-based collective history of Mexican descendants affect the structure of the social identities of the later generations? These culturally-defined and generationally-specific modes provide multiple models that members of the later generations can use in thinking about their own identities. Across time, persons of Mexican descent developed many ways of dealing with ethnicity. While particular generations developed prototypic conceptions of what it means to be an American of Mexican descent, the new identities did not replace older ones. New ways of thinking about the self and about ethnicity were added as older ways were refined and retained as well. Each generation had a richer cultural repertoire of identity constructions to draw upon. Multiplicity is the cultural, historical legacy of the later generations, a legacy that the first-generation immigrants lack. The structure of social identities of the later generations should show the effect of this historical, cultural heritage through greater multiplicity of identities. Unproblematic group memberships-ones that are socially valued or accord privilege, those that are not obvious to others-may not even become social identities. This helps explain the rarity of a white identity or a Yankee identity or an identity as a man.--- pay most attention to social categorizations and group memberships that are likely to require the most negotiation and psychological work to gain a positive sense of distinctiveness. These problematic statuses should produce identities constructed specifically around immigrant and manual worker. We also expect that United States/American symbols and labels would be especially problematic for the first generation who have not yet settled their eventual citizenship and residency decisions. Chucho and Jimmy, both have join a gang in East Los Angeles witnessing his brother Chucho’s death, being gunned down by “white” police officers who display police brutality towards Mexican-Americans makes him realize that being Mexican-American in the United States causes people of Mexican descent to constantly fear for their lives and their future wellbeing. From such experiences both no longer feels they should categorize themselves as Mexican-Americans, but as Chicanos, rebelling against all negative stereotypes. (57:46). Now, twenty-years later Jimmy has been in and out of prison for armed robbery, being an ex-convict, and juvenile gang-member making trouble where ever he goes. A Pachuco in society is his ideal social categorization. Being categorized as a Pachuco, Jimmy is able to feel a sense of belonging after his brother’s death. Furthermore, Jimmy feels he belongs to such a group because Pachuchos are known to rebel against Mexican-American oppressions experienced in the United States. **This paper uses Tajfel's Social Identity Theory (Tajfel 1978, 1981; Tajfel and Turner 1979) as a framework for a social psychological analysis of a limited set of cultural adaptations of persons of Mexican origin living in the United States. Tajfel's conceptualization of social identity, which emphasizes the causal role of social categorization and social comparison, is the most widely used framework in psychology for explaining identity formation, persistence, and change. It should therefore be particularly helpful in understanding how immigrants' social identities change as a result of living in a new country. Social categorization- (talk about it) Social comparison- (talk about it) Psychological work- Jimmy, memo before/ after (compare,contrast) Consciousness- come/ contrast -jimmy,memo Contrast: How do they adapt to their socially and economically marginalized groups status as ,mexican americans. Past treatments of immigration and ethnicity (and of the relationship between them) tend to ignore processes by which the effects of history and social structure occur at the individual level. Many scholars call for social psychological analyses that show how history and macro-social features of the environment produce individual modes of adaptation to immigration, including the construction and reconstruction of ethnicity as one of the modes. We use a social psychological analysis to tie macro-social characteristics to micro-social characteristics of immediate social contexts to examine how two groups of Mexicans in the United States-Mexicanos and Chicanos-differ in their social identities and in their cultural adaptations. Our results from the analyses of the data in the National Chicano Survey indicate that, as predicted by social identity theory, the differences in the structural and historical conditions experienced by immigrants and ethnics result in a more differentiated identity structure for Chicanos than for Mexicanos. The content of the social identities of the two groups also shows important differences according to outgroup comparisons through mastery of the English language. Also consistent with social identity theory, the most problematic social identitiesfor example, class and race-are the most psychologically powerful in determining cultural adaptations for both groups. In conclusion, differences between immigrants and ethnics are largely the outcome of shifts in reference groups as they compare themselves to a wider array of people who either promote acceptance of devalued social categorizations or in feelings of discontent about one's social identity. s Tajfel's Social Identity Theory (Tajfel 1978, 1981; Tajfel and Turner 1979) as a framework for a social psychological analysis of a limited set of cultural adaptations of persons of Mexican origin living in the United States. Tajfel's conceptualization of social identity, which emphasizes the causal role of social categorization and social comparison, is the most widely used framework in psychology for explaining identity formation, persistence, and change Their social identities are socially constructed from the knowledge individual members have about their group's collective history and from their experiences in various social structures in the United States. Historical and structural influences operate through a variety of social processes, but following Tajfel, we emphasize their effects on social categorization, social comparison, and what is made problematic psychologically as individuals form social identities. These psychological processes affect both the content and structure of social identities. We further argue that social identities then serve as mediators of cultural adaptations. *w social identities may change as a result of the group's social psychological experience . Second and later generations show in their social identities affiliations based on their ethnic group's history as well as their current contact with groups in the United States. The distinction between immigrant generations is unusually important for Mexicans in the United States t, the U.S. history of the later generations of Mexican descendants spans an especially long time period. Some Mexicans in the United States come from families who lived in what was Mexico and became U.S. territory following the U.S.-Mexican War of 1848. Others come from families who immigrated later in the 19th century and in the relatively continuous flows of immigration that have occurred since then, even when flows from other countries were reduced to a trickle or entirely cut between 1924 and 1965 (Schaefer 1984; Portes and Rumbaut 1990). Thus, the long collective history of U.S. citizens of Mexican descent has great meaning in their cultural, political, and psychological adaptations *We think of ourselves as part of social categories and groups. We also think of ourselves as having psychological traits and dispositions that give us personal uniqueness. This paper is concerned with social identities-the aspects of an individual's self-concept that derive from one's knowledge of being part of categories and groups, together with the value and emotional significance attached to those memberships (Tajfel 1981 The characters ultimately compare by having a Chicano consciousness.*** Name: Description: ...
User generated content is uploaded by users for the purposes of learning and should be used following Studypool's honor code & terms of service.
Studypool
4.7
Trustpilot
4.5
Sitejabber
4.4