what are the types of studies in psychology?
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what are the types of studies in psychology? im reading an article under the URL : http://health.usnews.com/health-news/family-health/childrens-health/articles/2010/11/09/omg-excessive-texting-tied-to-risky-teen-behaviors and I am not susre whatg type of study this is
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Spiritual To Rock And Roll
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ELM 250 Grand Canyon University Legal Safety Responsibilities Education Presentation
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ELM 250 Grand Canyon University Legal Safety Responsibilities Education Presentation
An important aspect of classroom management is keeping students safe. Student safety concerns include the use of technology and other classroom resources, maintaining students’ privacy, bullying, trauma, and child abuse. Teachers need to be aware of their legal and ethical responsibilities when it comes to protecting students in their classrooms.For this assignment, prepare a 10-12 slide digital presentation for an upcoming professional development for fellow teachers. Explain applicable federal/state/local laws and the current school and district policies related to teachers' responsibilities to protect students’ rights and safety. The presentation should include specific examples related to four of the following topics:Digital citizenship (e.g., communication, literacy, etiquette, law, rights and responsibilities, and security) Two additional topics from the list below:Bullying/Harassment/Intimidation/Violence, on and off campusSearches of students (e.g., drugs, weapons, cellphones)Reporting requirements for suspected child abuseFERPA and students’ privacy rightsTrauma or traumatic events (e.g., fire, bomb threat, evacuation)One additional topic from the list below:Extracurricular teacher assignments and responsibilities (e.g., playground supervision, coaching, club sponsoring)Maintaining inclusion classrooms and compliance with IEPs for students with exceptionalitiesManaging a classroom when 1:1 technology is presentTeachers’ professional behavior on and off campus, and online when communicating with the community, colleagues, and stakeholdersIn addition, create a title slide, reference slide, and presenter's notes.Support your presentation with a minimum of three resources.
Module Six Post Test
1. (LC)Letter to a Citizen of Kentucky, an excerptExecutive Mansion, Washington,April 4, 1864.A. G. Hodges, Esq., Frankfor ...
Module Six Post Test
1. (LC)Letter to a Citizen of Kentucky, an excerptExecutive Mansion, Washington,April 4, 1864.A. G. Hodges, Esq., Frankfort, Ky.My Dear Sir: You ask me to put in writing the substance of what I verbally stated the other day, in your presence, to Governor Bramlette and Senator Dixon. It was about as follows: I am naturally anti-slavery. If slavery is not wrong nothing is wrong. I cannot remember when I did not so think and feel; and yet I have never understood that the Presidency conferred upon me an unrestricted right to act officially in this judgment and feeling. It was in the oath I took that I would to the best of my ability preserve, protect and defend the Constitution of the United States. I could not take the office without taking the oath. Nor was it in my view that I might take the oath to get power, and break the oath in using the power. I understood, too, that in ordinary civil administration this oath even forbade me to practically indulge my primary abstract judgment on the moral question of slavery. I had publicly declared this many times and in many ways; and I aver that, to this day I have done no official act in mere deference to my abstract judgment and feeling on slavery. I did understand, however, that my oath to preserve the Constitution to the best of my ability imposed upon me the duty of preserving, by every indispensable means, that government, that nation, of which that Constitution was the organic law. Was it possible to lose the nation, and yet preserve the Constitution? By general law, life and limb must be protected; yet often a limb must be amputated to save a life, but a life is never wisely given to save a limb. I felt that measures, otherwise unconstitutional, might become lawful by becoming indispensable to the preservation of the Constitution through the preservation of the nation. Right or wrong, I assumed this ground, and now avow it. I could not feel that to the best of my ability I had even tried to preserve the Constitution, if, to save slavery, or any minor matter, I should permit the wreck of government, country, and Constitution altogether. When, early in the war, General Fremont attempted military emancipation, I forbade it, because I did not then think it an indispensable necessity. When, a little later, General Cameron, then Secretary of War, suggested the arming of the blacks, I objected, because I did not yet think it an indispensable necessity. When, still later, General Hunter attempted military emancipation, I forbade it, because I did not yet think the indispensable necessity had come. When, in March and May and July, 1862, I made earnest and successive appeals to the Border States to favor compensated emancipation, I believed the indispensable necessity for military emancipation and arming the blacks would come, unless averted by that measure. They declined the proposition; and I was, in my best judgment, driven to the alternative of either surrendering the Union, and with it the Constitution, or of laying strong hand upon the colored element. I chose the latter. In choosing it, I hoped for greater gain than loss; but of this I was not entirely confident...Yours truly,A. LincolnUse context to determine the meaning of the words in bold. (4 points) Laws that relate to scienceBasic principles and rulesQuestionable decisionsRules of society2. (LC)Letter to a Citizen of Kentucky, an excerptExecutive Mansion, Washington,April 4, 1864.A. G. Hodges, Esq., Frankfort, Ky.My Dear Sir: You ask me to put in writing the substance of what I verbally stated the other day, in your presence, to Governor Bramlette and Senator Dixon. It was about as follows: I am naturally anti-slavery. If slavery is not wrong nothing is wrong. I cannot remember when I did not so think and feel; and yet I have never understood that the Presidency conferred upon me an unrestricted right to act officially in this judgment and feeling. It was in the oath I took that I would to the best of my ability preserve, protect and defend the Constitution of the United States. I could not take the office without taking the oath. Nor was it in my view that I might take the oath to get power, and break the oath in using the power. I understood, too, that in ordinary civil administration this oath even forbade me to practically indulge my primary abstract judgment on the moral question of slavery. I had publicly declared this many times and in many ways; and I aver that, to this day I have done no official act in mere deference to my abstract judgment and feeling on slavery. I did understand, however, that my oath to preserve the Constitution to the best of my ability imposed upon me the duty of preserving, by every indispensable means, that government, that nation, of which that Constitution was the organic law. Was it possible to lose the nation, and yet preserve the Constitution? By general law, life and limb must be protected; yet often a limb must be amputated to save a life, but a life is never wisely given to save a limb. I felt that measures, otherwise unconstitutional, might become lawful by becoming indispensable to the preservation of the Constitution through the preservation of the nation. Right or wrong, I assumed this ground, and now avow it. I could not feel that to the best of my ability I had even tried to preserve the Constitution, if, to save slavery, or any minor matter, I should permit the wreck of government, country, and Constitution altogether. When, early in the war, General Fremont attempted military emancipation, I forbade it, because I did not then think it an indispensable necessity. When, a little later, General Cameron, then Secretary of War, suggested the arming of the blacks, I objected, because I did not yet think it an indispensable necessity. When, still later, General Hunter attempted military emancipation, I forbade it, because I did not yet think the indispensable necessity had come. When, in March and May and July, 1862, I made earnest and successive appeals to the Border States to favor compensated emancipation, I believed the indispensable necessity for military emancipation and arming the blacks would come, unless averted by that measure. They declined the proposition; and I was, in my best judgment, driven to the alternative of either surrendering the Union, and with it the Constitution, or of laying strong hand upon the colored element. I chose the latter. In choosing it, I hoped for greater gain than loss; but of this I was not entirely confident...Yours truly,A. LincolnUse context to determine the meaning of the words in bold. (4 points) Crucial requirementMutual agreementSignificant otherWorthwhile pastime3. (MC)Letter to a Citizen of Kentucky, an excerptExecutive Mansion, Washington,April 4, 1864.A. G. Hodges, Esq., Frankfort, Ky.My Dear Sir: You ask me to put in writing the substance of what I verbally stated the other day, in your presence, to Governor Bramlette and Senator Dixon. It was about as follows: I am naturally anti-slavery. If slavery is not wrong nothing is wrong. I cannot remember when I did not so think and feel; and yet I have never understood that the Presidency conferred upon me an unrestricted right to act officially in this judgment and feeling. It was in the oath I took that I would to the best of my ability preserve, protect and defend the Constitution of the United States. I could not take the office without taking the oath. Nor was it in my view that I might take the oath to get power, and break the oath in using the power. I understood, too, that in ordinary civil administration this oath even forbade me to practically indulge my primary abstract judgment on the moral question of slavery. I had publicly declared this many times and in many ways; and I aver that, to this day I have done no official act in mere deference to my abstract judgment and feeling on slavery. I did understand, however, that my oath to preserve the Constitution to the best of my ability imposed upon me the duty of preserving, by every indispensable means, that government, that nation, of which that Constitution was the organic law. Was it possible to lose the nation, and yet preserve the Constitution? By general law, life and limb must be protected; yet often a limb must be amputated to save a life, but a life is never wisely given to save a limb. I felt that measures, otherwise unconstitutional, might become lawful by becoming indispensable to the preservation of the Constitution through the preservation of the nation. Right or wrong, I assumed this ground, and now avow it. I could not feel that to the best of my ability I had even tried to preserve the Constitution, if, to save slavery, or any minor matter, I should permit the wreck of government, country, and Constitution altogether. When, early in the war, General Fremont attempted military emancipation, I forbade it, because I did not then think it an indispensable necessity. When, a little later, General Cameron, then Secretary of War, suggested the arming of the blacks, I objected, because I did not yet think it an indispensable necessity. When, still later, General Hunter attempted military emancipation, I forbade it, because I did not yet think the indispensable necessity had come. When, in March and May and July, 1862, I made earnest and successive appeals to the Border States to favor compensated emancipation, I believed the indispensable necessity for military emancipation and arming the blacks would come, unless averted by that measure. They declined the proposition; and I was, in my best judgment, driven to the alternative of either surrendering the Union, and with it the Constitution, or of laying strong hand upon the colored element. I chose the latter. In choosing it, I hoped for greater gain than loss; but of this I was not entirely confident...Yours truly,A. LincolnRead the following lines from the passage:I am naturally anti-slavery. If slavery is not wrong nothing is wrong. I cannot remember when I did not so think and feel; and yet I have never understood that the Presidency conferred upon me an unrestricted right to act officially in this judgment and feeling.Which comes closest to capturing Lincoln's true meaning in this passage? (4 points) I believe in abolishing slavery, but I know the majority of the people do not support it.I do not believe in forcing my beliefs on the people just because I am the president.I do not believe that the presidency gives me the authority to abolish slavery.Those who support abolishing slavery should look to another government authority.4. (MC)Letter to a Citizen of Kentucky, an excerptExecutive Mansion, Washington,April 4, 1864.A. G. Hodges, Esq., Frankfort, Ky.My Dear Sir: You ask me to put in writing the substance of what I verbally stated the other day, in your presence, to Governor Bramlette and Senator Dixon. It was about as follows: I am naturally anti-slavery. If slavery is not wrong nothing is wrong. I cannot remember when I did not so think and feel; and yet I have never understood that the Presidency conferred upon me an unrestricted right to act officially in this judgment and feeling. It was in the oath I took that I would to the best of my ability preserve, protect and defend the Constitution of the United States. I could not take the office without taking the oath. Nor was it in my view that I might take the oath to get power, and break the oath in using the power. I understood, too, that in ordinary civil administration this oath even forbade me to practically indulge my primary abstract judgment on the moral question of slavery. I had publicly declared this many times and in many ways; and I aver that, to this day I have done no official act in mere deference to my abstract judgment and feeling on slavery. I did understand, however, that my oath to preserve the Constitution to the best of my ability imposed upon me the duty of preserving, by every indispensable means, that government, that nation, of which that Constitution was the organic law. Was it possible to lose the nation, and yet preserve the Constitution? By general law, life and limb must be protected; yet often a limb must be amputated to save a life, but a life is never wisely given to save a limb. I felt that measures, otherwise unconstitutional, might become lawful by becoming indispensable to the preservation of the Constitution through the preservation of the nation. Right or wrong, I assumed this ground, and now avow it. I could not feel that to the best of my ability I had even tried to preserve the Constitution, if, to save slavery, or any minor matter, I should permit the wreck of government, country, and Constitution altogether. When, early in the war, General Fremont attempted military emancipation, I forbade it, because I did not then think it an indispensable necessity. When, a little later, General Cameron, then Secretary of War, suggested the arming of the blacks, I objected, because I did not yet think it an indispensable necessity. When, still later, General Hunter attempted military emancipation, I forbade it, because I did not yet think the indispensable necessity had come. When, in March and May and July, 1862, I made earnest and successive appeals to the Border States to favor compensated emancipation, I believed the indispensable necessity for military emancipation and arming the blacks would come, unless averted by that measure. They declined the proposition; and I was, in my best judgment, driven to the alternative of either surrendering the Union, and with it the Constitution, or of laying strong hand upon the colored element. I chose the latter. In choosing it, I hoped for greater gain than loss; but of this I was not entirely confident...Yours truly,A. LincolnRead this line from the text:Right or wrong, I assumed this ground, and now avow it.What does the phrase assumed this ground mean? (4 points) Forged an agreementFormed an allianceMade a suppositionTook this position5. (MC)Letter to a Citizen of Kentucky, an excerptExecutive Mansion, Washington,April 4, 1864.A. G. Hodges, Esq., Frankfort, Ky.My Dear Sir: You ask me to put in writing the substance of what I verbally stated the other day, in your presence, to Governor Bramlette and Senator Dixon. It was about as follows: I am naturally anti-slavery. If slavery is not wrong nothing is wrong. I cannot remember when I did not so think and feel; and yet I have never understood that the Presidency conferred upon me an unrestricted right to act officially in this judgment and feeling. It was in the oath I took that I would to the best of my ability preserve, protect and defend the Constitution of the United States. I could not take the office without taking the oath. Nor was it in my view that I might take the oath to get power, and break the oath in using the power. I understood, too, that in ordinary civil administration this oath even forbade me to practically indulge my primary abstract judgment on the moral question of slavery. I had publicly declared this many times and in many ways; and I aver that, to this day I have done no official act in mere deference to my abstract judgment and feeling on slavery. I did understand, however, that my oath to preserve the Constitution to the best of my ability imposed upon me the duty of preserving, by every indispensable means, that government, that nation, of which that Constitution was the organic law. Was it possible to lose the nation, and yet preserve the Constitution? By general law, life and limb must be protected; yet often a limb must be amputated to save a life, but a life is never wisely given to save a limb. I felt that measures, otherwise unconstitutional, might become lawful by becoming indispensable to the preservation of the Constitution through the preservation of the nation. Right or wrong, I assumed this ground, and now avow it. I could not feel that to the best of my ability I had even tried to preserve the Constitution, if, to save slavery, or any minor matter, I should permit the wreck of government, country, and Constitution altogether. When, early in the war, General Fremont attempted military emancipation, I forbade it, because I did not then think it an indispensable necessity. When, a little later, General Cameron, then Secretary of War, suggested the arming of the blacks, I objected, because I did not yet think it an indispensable necessity. When, still later, General Hunter attempted military emancipation, I forbade it, because I did not yet think the indispensable necessity had come. When, in March and May and July, 1862, I made earnest and successive appeals to the Border States to favor compensated emancipation, I believed the indispensable necessity for military emancipation and arming the blacks would come, unless averted by that measure. They declined the proposition; and I was, in my best judgment, driven to the alternative of either surrendering the Union, and with it the Constitution, or of laying strong hand upon the colored element. I chose the latter. In choosing it, I hoped for greater gain than loss; but of this I was not entirely confident...Yours truly,A. LincolnWhat is the context for this document? (4 points) A letter explaining an earlier commentA speech given at a dinner partyA commentary on a piece of legislationAn explanation of an earlier document6. (LC)Letter to a Citizen of Kentucky, an excerptExecutive Mansion, Washington,April 4, 1864.A. G. Hodges, Esq., Frankfort, Ky.My Dear Sir: You ask me to put in writing the substance of what I verbally stated the other day, in your presence, to Governor Bramlette and Senator Dixon. It was about as follows: I am naturally anti-slavery. If slavery is not wrong nothing is wrong. I cannot remember when I did not so think and feel; and yet I have never understood that the Presidency conferred upon me an unrestricted right to act officially in this judgment and feeling. It was in the oath I took that I would to the best of my ability preserve, protect and defend the Constitution of the United States. I could not take the office without taking the oath. Nor was it in my view that I might take the oath to get power, and break the oath in using the power. I understood, too, that in ordinary civil administration this oath even forbade me to practically indulge my primary abstract judgment on the moral question of slavery. I had publicly declared this many times and in many ways; and I aver that, to this day I have done no official act in mere deference to my abstract judgment and feeling on slavery. I did understand, however, that my oath to preserve the Constitution to the best of my ability imposed upon me the duty of preserving, by every indispensable means, that government, that nation, of which that Constitution was the organic law. Was it possible to lose the nation, and yet preserve the Constitution? By general law, life and limb must be protected; yet often a limb must be amputated to save a life, but a life is never wisely given to save a limb. I felt that measures, otherwise unconstitutional, might become lawful by becoming indispensable to the preservation of the Constitution through the preservation of the nation. Right or wrong, I assumed this ground, and now avow it. I could not feel that to the best of my ability I had even tried to preserve the Constitution, if, to save slavery, or any minor matter, I should permit the wreck of government, country, and Constitution altogether. When, early in the war, General Fremont attempted military emancipation, I forbade it, because I did not then think it an indispensable necessity. When, a little later, General Cameron, then Secretary of War, suggested the arming of the blacks, I objected, because I did not yet think it an indispensable necessity. When, still later, General Hunter attempted military emancipation, I forbade it, because I did not yet think the indispensable necessity had come. When, in March and May and July, 1862, I made earnest and successive appeals to the Border States to favor compensated emancipation, I believed the indispensable necessity for military emancipation and arming the blacks would come, unless averted by that measure. They declined the proposition; and I was, in my best judgment, driven to the alternative of either surrendering the Union, and with it the Constitution, or of laying strong hand upon the colored element. I chose the latter. In choosing it, I hoped for greater gain than loss; but of this I was not entirely confident...Yours truly,A. LincolnWhat lesson does President Lincoln express in the line in bold? (4 points) It is essential to have a medical degree.Arms and legs are necessary in battle.Sometimes sacrifices are necessary.Many people have suffered unfairly.7. (LC)Letter to a Citizen of Kentucky, an excerptExecutive Mansion, Washington,April 4, 1864.A. G. Hodges, Esq., Frankfort, Ky.My Dear Sir: You ask me to put in writing the substance of what I verbally stated the other day, in your presence, to Governor Bramlette and Senator Dixon. It was about as follows: I am naturally anti-slavery. If slavery is not wrong nothing is wrong. I cannot remember when I did not so think and feel; and yet I have never understood that the Presidency conferred upon me an unrestricted right to act officially in this judgment and feeling. It was in the oath I took that I would to the best of my ability preserve, protect and defend the Constitution of the United States. I could not take the office without taking the oath. Nor was it in my view that I might take the oath to get power, and break the oath in using the power. I understood, too, that in ordinary civil administration this oath even forbade me to practically indulge my primary abstract judgment on the moral question of slavery. I had publicly declared this many times and in many ways; and I aver that, to this day I have done no official act in mere deference to my abstract judgment and feeling on slavery. I did understand, however, that my oath to preserve the Constitution to the best of my ability imposed upon me the duty of preserving, by every indispensable means, that government, that nation, of which that Constitution was the organic law. Was it possible to lose the nation, and yet preserve the Constitution? By general law, life and limb must be protected; yet often a limb must be amputated to save a life, but a life is never wisely given to save a limb. I felt that measures, otherwise unconstitutional, might become lawful by becoming indispensable to the preservation of the Constitution through the preservation of the nation. Right or wrong, I assumed this ground, and now avow it. I could not feel that to the best of my ability I had even tried to preserve the Constitution, if, to save slavery, or any minor matter, I should permit the wreck of government, country, and Constitution altogether. When, early in the war, General Fremont attempted military emancipation, I forbade it, because I did not then think it an indispensable necessity. When, a little later, General Cameron, then Secretary of War, suggested the arming of the blacks, I objected, because I did not yet think it an indispensable necessity. When, still later, General Hunter attempted military emancipation, I forbade it, because I did not yet think the indispensable necessity had come. When, in March and May and July, 1862, I made earnest and successive appeals to the Border States to favor compensated emancipation, I believed the indispensable necessity for military emancipation and arming the blacks would come, unless averted by that measure. They declined the proposition; and I was, in my best judgment, driven to the alternative of either surrendering the Union, and with it the Constitution, or of laying strong hand upon the colored element. I chose the latter. In choosing it, I hoped for greater gain than loss; but of this I was not entirely confident...Yours truly,A. LincolnWhat does President Lincoln describe in the lines in bold? (4 points) The highlight of his PresidencyThe end of the long warA start of a new warA difficult decision he made8. (LC)Letter to a Citizen of Kentucky, an excerptExecutive Mansion, Washington,April 4, 1864.A. G. Hodges, Esq., Frankfort, Ky.My Dear Sir: You ask me to put in writing the substance of what I verbally stated the other day, in your presence, to Governor Bramlette and Senator Dixon. It was about as follows: I am naturally anti-slavery. If slavery is not wrong nothing is wrong. I cannot remember when I did not so think and feel; and yet I have never understood that the Presidency conferred upon me an unrestricted right to act officially in this judgment and feeling. It was in the oath I took that I would to the best of my ability preserve, protect and defend the Constitution of the United States. I could not take the office without taking the oath. Nor was it in my view that I might take the oath to get power, and break the oath in using the power. I understood, too, that in ordinary civil administration this oath even forbade me to practically indulge my primary abstract judgment on the moral question of slavery. I had publicly declared this many times and in many ways; and I aver that, to this day I have done no official act in mere deference to my abstract judgment and feeling on slavery. I did understand, however, that my oath to preserve the Constitution to the best of my ability imposed upon me the duty of preserving, by every indispensable means, that government, that nation, of which that Constitution was the organic law. Was it possible to lose the nation, and yet preserve the Constitution? By general law, life and limb must be protected; yet often a limb must be amputated to save a life, but a life is never wisely given to save a limb. I felt that measures, otherwise unconstitutional, might become lawful by becoming indispensable to the preservation of the Constitution through the preservation of the nation. Right or wrong, I assumed this ground, and now avow it. I could not feel that to the best of my ability I had even tried to preserve the Constitution, if, to save slavery, or any minor matter, I should permit the wreck of government, country, and Constitution altogether. When, early in the war, General Fremont attempted military emancipation, I forbade it, because I did not then think it an indispensable necessity. When, a little later, General Cameron, then Secretary of War, suggested the arming of the blacks, I objected, because I did not yet think it an indispensable necessity. When, still later, General Hunter attempted military emancipation, I forbade it, because I did not yet think the indispensable necessity had come. When, in March and May and July, 1862, I made earnest and successive appeals to the Border States to favor compensated emancipation, I believed the indispensable necessity for military emancipation and arming the blacks would come, unless averted by that measure. They declined the proposition; and I was, in my best judgment, driven to the alternative of either surrendering the Union, and with it the Constitution, or of laying strong hand upon the colored element. I chose the latter. In choosing it, I hoped for greater gain than loss; but of this I was not entirely confident...Yours truly,A. LincolnIn a paragraph of three to five sentences, summarize President Lincoln's meaning in the paragraph in bold. Use proper spelling and grammar. (5 points) 9. (LC)The Emancipation Proclamation, excerptBY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. A PROCLAMATION.I, ABRAHAM LINCOLN, President of the United States of America, and Commander-in-Chief of the Army and Navy thereof, do hereby proclaim and declare that hereafter, as heretofore, the war will be prosecuted for the object of practically restoring the constitutional relation between the United States, and each of the States, and the people thereof, in which States that relation is, or may be, suspended or disturbed.That on the first day of January in the year of our Lord, one thousand eight hundred and sixty-three, all persons held as slaves within any State, or designated part of a State, the people whereof shall then be in rebellion against the United States shall be then, thenceforward, and forever free; and the executive government of the United States, including the military and naval authority thereof, will recognize and maintain the freedom of such persons, and will do no act or acts to repress such persons, or any of them, in any efforts they may make for their actual freedom.That the executive will, on the first day of January aforesaid, by proclamation, designate the States, and part of States, if any, in which the people thereof respectively, shall then be in rebellion against the United States; and the fact that any State, or the people thereof shall, on that day be, in good faith represented in the Congress of the United States, by members chosen thereto, at elections wherein a majority of the qualified voters of such State shall have participated, shall, in the absence of strong countervailing testimony, be deemed conclusive evidence that such State and the people thereof, are not then in rebellion against the United States.Use context to determine the meaning of the word in bold. (4 points) ConfusingExpensiveConfirmedExtravagant10. (MC)The Emancipation Proclamation, excerptBY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. A PROCLAMATION.I, ABRAHAM LINCOLN, President of the United States of America, and Commander-in-Chief of the Army and Navy thereof, do hereby proclaim and declare that hereafter, as heretofore, the war will be prosecuted for the object of practically restoring the constitutional relation between the United States, and each of the States, and the people thereof, in which States that relation is, or may be, suspended or disturbed.That it is my purpose, upon the next meeting of Congress to again recommend the adoption of a practical measure tendering pecuniary aid to the free acceptance or rejection of all slave States, so called, the people whereof may not then be in rebellion against the United States and which States may then have voluntarily adopted, or thereafter may voluntarily adopt, immediate or gradual abolishment of slavery within their respective limits; and that the effort to colonize persons of African descent, with their consent, upon this continent, or elsewhere, with the previously obtained consent of the Governments existing there, will be continued.That on the first day of January in the year of our Lord, one thousand eight hundred and sixty-three, all persons held as slaves within any State, or designated part of a State, the people whereof shall then be in rebellion against the United States shall be then, thenceforward, and forever free; and the executive government of the United States, including the military and naval authority thereof, will recognize and maintain the freedom of such persons, and will do no act or acts to repress such persons, or any of them, in any efforts they may make for their actual freedom.That the executive will, on the first day of January aforesaid, by proclamation, designate the States, and part of States, if any, in which the people thereof respectively, shall then be in rebellion against the United States; and the fact that any State, or the people thereof shall, on that day be, in good faith represented in the Congress of the United States, by members chosen thereto, at elections wherein a majority of the qualified voters of such State shall have participated, shall, in the absence of strong countervailing testimony, be deemed conclusive evidence that such State and the people thereof, are not then in rebellion against the United States.That attention is hereby called to an Act of Congress entitled "An Act to make an additional Article of War" approved March 13, 1862, and which act is in the words and figure following:''Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That hereafter the following shall be promulgated as an additional article of war for the government of the army of the United States, and shall be obeyed and observed as such:Article —. All officers or persons in the military or naval service of the United States are prohibited from employing any of the forces under their respective commands for the purpose of returning fugitives from service or labor, who may have escaped from any persons to whom such service or labor is claimed to be due, and any officer who shall be found guilty by a court-martial of violating this article shall be dismissed from the service.SEC. 2. And be it further enacted, That this act shall take effect from and after its passage."What is Lincoln's purpose in writing this document? (4 points) To explain the moral reasons for abolishing slaveryTo outline the practical effects of abolishing slaveryTo force Congress to convene to abolish slaveryTo force Congress to convene to end the Civil War11. (MC)The Emancipation Proclamation, excerptBY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. A PROCLAMATION.I, ABRAHAM LINCOLN, President of the United States of America, and Commander-in-Chief of the Army and Navy thereof, do hereby proclaim and declare that hereafter, as heretofore, the war will be prosecuted for the object of practically restoring the constitutional relation between the United States, and each of the States, and the people thereof, in which States that relation is, or may be, suspended or disturbed.That it is my purpose, upon the next meeting of Congress to again recommend the adoption of a practical measure tendering pecuniary aid to the free acceptance or rejection of all slave States, so called, the people whereof may not then be in rebellion against the United States and which States may then have voluntarily adopted, or thereafter may voluntarily adopt, immediate or gradual abolishment of slavery within their respective limits; and that the effort to colonize persons of African descent, with their consent, upon this continent, or elsewhere, with the previously obtained consent of the Governments existing there, will be continued.That on the first day of January in the year of our Lord, one thousand eight hundred and sixty-three, all persons held as slaves within any State, or designated part of a State, the people whereof shall then be in rebellion against the United States shall be then, thenceforward, and forever free; and the executive government of the United States, including the military and naval authority thereof, will recognize and maintain the freedom of such persons, and will do no act or acts to repress such persons, or any of them, in any efforts they may make for their actual freedom.That the executive will, on the first day of January aforesaid, by proclamation, designate the States, and part of States, if any, in which the people thereof respectively, shall then be in rebellion against the United States; and the fact that any State, or the people thereof shall, on that day be, in good faith represented in the Congress of the United States, by members chosen thereto, at elections wherein a majority of the qualified voters of such State shall have participated, shall, in the absence of strong countervailing testimony, be deemed conclusive evidence that such State and the people thereof, are not then in rebellion against the United States.That attention is hereby called to an Act of Congress entitled "An Act to make an additional Article of War" approved March 13, 1862, and which act is in the words and figure following:''Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That hereafter the following shall be promulgated as an additional article of war for the government of the army of the United States, and shall be obeyed and observed as such:Article —. All officers or persons in the military or naval service of the United States are prohibited from employing any of the forces under their respective commands for the purpose of returning fugitives from service or labor, who may have escaped from any persons to whom such service or labor is claimed to be due, and any officer who shall be found guilty by a court-martial of violating this article shall be dismissed from the service.SEC. 2. And be it further enacted, That this act shall take effect from and after its passage."Which word most clearly and correctly describes the tone of this text? (4 points) InformalFirmMilitaristicPolitical12. (HC)The Emancipation Proclamation, excerptBY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. A PROCLAMATION.I, ABRAHAM LINCOLN, President of the United States of America, and Commander-in-Chief of the Army and Navy thereof, do hereby proclaim and declare that hereafter, as heretofore, the war will be prosecuted for the object of practically restoring the constitutional relation between the United States, and each of the States, and the people thereof, in which States that relation is, or may be, suspended or disturbed.That it is my purpose, upon the next meeting of Congress to again recommend the adoption of a practical measure tendering pecuniary aid to the free acceptance or rejection of all slave States, so called, the people whereof may not then be in rebellion against the United States and which States may then have voluntarily adopted, or thereafter may voluntarily adopt, immediate or gradual abolishment of slavery within their respective limits; and that the effort to colonize persons of African descent, with their consent, upon this continent, or elsewhere, with the previously obtained consent of the Governments existing there, will be continued.That on the first day of January in the year of our Lord, one thousand eight hundred and sixty-three, all persons held as slaves within any State, or designated part of a State, the people whereof shall then be in rebellion against the United States shall be then, thenceforward, and forever free; and the executive government of the United States, including the military and naval authority thereof, will recognize and maintain the freedom of such persons, and will do no act or acts to repress such persons, or any of them, in any efforts they may make for their actual freedom.That the executive will, on the first day of January aforesaid, by proclamation, designate the States, and part of States, if any, in which the people thereof respectively, shall then be in rebellion against the United States; and the fact that any State, or the people thereof shall, on that day be, in good faith represented in the Congress of the United States, by members chosen thereto, at elections wherein a majority of the qualified voters of such State shall have participated, shall, in the absence of strong countervailing testimony, be deemed conclusive evidence that such State and the people thereof, are not then in rebellion against the United States.That attention is hereby called to an Act of Congress entitled "An Act to make an additional Article of War" approved March 13, 1862, and which act is in the words and figure following:''Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That hereafter the following shall be promulgated as an additional article of war for the government of the army of the United States, and shall be obeyed and observed as such:Article —. All officers or persons in the military or naval service of the United States are prohibited from employing any of the forces under their respective commands for the purpose of returning fugitives from service or labor, who may have escaped from any persons to whom such service or labor is claimed to be due, and any officer who shall be found guilty by a court-martial of violating this article shall be dismissed from the service.SEC. 2. And be it further enacted, That this act shall take effect from and after its passage."What is the reasoning behind Lincoln's referring to the South as "the rebellion"?Why does he continually use this term?Be sure to use evidence from the text to support your answer. (5 points) 13. (LC)Read this sentence from Abraham Lincoln's Second Inaugural Address:One-eighth of the whole population were colored slaves, not distributed generally over the Union, but localized in the southern part of it. These slaves constituted a peculiar and powerful interest. All knew that this interest was somehow the cause of the war.What does the word peculiar mean? (4 points) CommonNotableTypicalUnusualPowerful14. (LC)Read this sentence from Abraham Lincoln's Second Inaugural Address:He gives to both North and South this terrible war as the woe due to those by whom the offense came, . . .What does the word woe suggest as used in this sentence? (4 points) CriticismExemptionPunishmentReproach15. (MC)Read this sentence from Abraham Lincoln's Second Inaugural Address:. . . let us strive on to finish the work we are in; to bind up the nation's wounds; to care for him who shall have borne the battle, and for his widow, and his orphan – to do all which may achieve and cherish a just, and a lasting peace, among ourselves, and with all nationsWhich of the following best describes the effect of the phrase bind up the nation's wounds? (4 points) It implies a caring approach to ending the war.It implies a medical, scientific response to war.It suggests a spreading infectious thought.It suggests restricting the South during recovery.16. (MC)Read this sentence from Abraham Lincoln's letter to a citizen of Kentucky:By general law, life and limb must be protected; yet often a limb must be amputated to save a life, but a life is never wisely given to save a limb.Which rhetorical device does Lincoln use in this sentence, and for what purpose? (4 points) Metaphor; shows that the whole is greater than the sum of its partsMetaphor; shows that all parts of the whole must be protectedSimile; shows that the whole is greater than the sum of its partsSimile; shows that all parts of the whole must be protected
The nature of slavery and how slavery affected southern society, (100 words), history homework help
What does this account reveal about the nature of slavery and how slavery affected southern society?After reading "Inciden ...
The nature of slavery and how slavery affected southern society, (100 words), history homework help
What does this account reveal about the nature of slavery and how slavery affected southern society?After reading "Incidents in the Life of a Slave Girl" and other stories from research along with watching various movies it is clear that some "Masters" often had sex with their female slaves. They would see these young girls grow into young ladies and began putting them in awkward positions by having sexual relations with them.There after, They will tell them no to tell anybody and to fear God by obeying their master and tell them to keep it a secret. In most cases, they would threaten to kill them and/or their loved ones should they ever say something and this would often keep them quiet.The owners of these slaves also, were known to have many children with the female slaves they owned throughout the years and often the owner’s wife would keep quiet about the situation if she was aware. It was on rare occasions that a wife would confront her husband on his findings, mainly for the reason of not losing the comfort she has come to being accustom with. The female slaves often were worried about what would happen to them and what their loved ones would do if they spoke of what had happened. minimum 100 word responce please.
5 pages
Conflicts Between Islam And Europe Edited
There have been questions on how Islam came to Europe and the reception it got. Presently, they are the second-largest rel ...
Conflicts Between Islam And Europe Edited
There have been questions on how Islam came to Europe and the reception it got. Presently, they are the second-largest religion in Europe after ...
Startford University Cross Culture Diversity Research Paper
(1)TASK 2 Write a 2-3 page (double-spaced) research paper about the food culture. Structure your paper using the below gui ...
Startford University Cross Culture Diversity Research Paper
(1)TASK 2 Write a 2-3 page (double-spaced) research paper about the food culture. Structure your paper using the below guideline:INTRODUCTION (1 paragraph): Include a thesis statement where you define your food culture and explain what makes it important to American culture. Include a picture of the food you ate!BODY (3 paragraphs): Write one paragraph describing the food culture (the actual food products as well as the beliefs and practices surrounding their consumption); one paragraph explaining the history of the food culture; and one paragraph explaining its impact on the broader American culture.CONCLUSION (1 paragraph): Restate your thesis. Explain why thinking about food cultures helps us understand and value diversity.Discussion 2"Cultural differences cause problems. It is better for people to stay in their own countries rather than to migrate to other ones." Do you agree? Please write a meaningful answer (three or more paragraphs) that fully addresses the question above.. Please reply to 2 of my classmates below. First Classmate write up to be replied to: Umu Kamara Yes, I do believe that cultural differences cause problems, but I disagree that it is better for people to stay in their own countries rather than migrate to other ones. When I was in my country, Sierra Leone, I used to think that what I learned, the rules, norms, values, beliefs, behaviors, and even the English language – Sierra Leone was British colonized, so we speak the English language that we were taught from kindergarten – was the best. Then, the opportunity to travel to the United States arose and I travelled. I had a cultural shock as the culture of the United State was vastly different from mine as a foreigner and it took me a long time to adjust and adapt to this culture. Travelling is the best teacher and educator that helps and lets us really adjust, adapt and adopt when it comes to other people’s cultures. According to the lesson on culture, I learned the culture of the United States, its values and beliefs, and even participated in some. The only thing is that I was born into a family with a Muslim background, and I do not participate in Halloween because, in Sierra Leone, we regard the costumes worn as witchcraft and as a Muslim I followed the beliefs and values of my culture. I have always thought that my culture was the best and I was proven wrong after I traveled to a few countries, then I learned to appreciate their cultures. I learned something new all the time and I learned to mingle and choose the best from the cultures I have lived in and accepted them.As Mr. Pelligrino said in the TedTalk video, our behaviors, like our non-verbal body language, mostly gives us away and people only see what they want to see and not what we want them to see especially if we come from a different culture. There are always biases and prejudices about other cultures and we always tend to believe what other people tell us. Therefore, if we want to achieve success in cross-culture we have to ignore our assumptions as well as the assumptions of others. We should be curious, ask questions so we can learn more, and be willing to accept other people’s cultures if we want them to accept ours..CLASSMATE 2 to be replied to Amarachi Ugah :One living in their own country is considered a better option compared to migrating due to cultural differences. Culture cannot be improved through migrating, otherwise, it will cause problems because one will have to change their way of living to cope with the new culture. The change may not be easy since one needs to stop some critical aspects and follow others, leading to an uncomfortable life. Different people feed on diverse types of foods that cannot be provided by others. Some others may find feeding on some kinds of meals as illegal or evil and cannot allow happening in their culture. People ought to live in their own country to reduce conflicts among different cultures. Conflicts come up when diverse cultures have different perspectives and ideas concerning essential issues to be solved.People have to change their careers when they migrate because their job in other countries may vary in salary and how it is operated. For instance, some jobs are done explicitly by men in one country, which might not be the case in other states. People in different countries use diverse languages to communicate. A problem is created when one migrates knowing only their language hence becoming challenging to communicate after migration. Individuals find it hard to cope with a new environment after relocation because the surroundings are different and might be hostile. Harsh environments can be due to the new society that might not understand one's way of living. The color of people from different cultures can also cause problems since it can lead to racism where white people see themselves being so important than black. The value of gender equality is viewed differently in diverse cultures. For instance, some cultures value the male gender compared to females for different reasons, which is not the case in other countries
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An important aspect of classroom management is keeping students safe. Student safety concerns include the use of technology and other classroom resources, maintaining students’ privacy, bullying, trauma, and child abuse. Teachers need to be aware of their legal and ethical responsibilities when it comes to protecting students in their classrooms.For this assignment, prepare a 10-12 slide digital presentation for an upcoming professional development for fellow teachers. Explain applicable federal/state/local laws and the current school and district policies related to teachers' responsibilities to protect students’ rights and safety. The presentation should include specific examples related to four of the following topics:Digital citizenship (e.g., communication, literacy, etiquette, law, rights and responsibilities, and security) Two additional topics from the list below:Bullying/Harassment/Intimidation/Violence, on and off campusSearches of students (e.g., drugs, weapons, cellphones)Reporting requirements for suspected child abuseFERPA and students’ privacy rightsTrauma or traumatic events (e.g., fire, bomb threat, evacuation)One additional topic from the list below:Extracurricular teacher assignments and responsibilities (e.g., playground supervision, coaching, club sponsoring)Maintaining inclusion classrooms and compliance with IEPs for students with exceptionalitiesManaging a classroom when 1:1 technology is presentTeachers’ professional behavior on and off campus, and online when communicating with the community, colleagues, and stakeholdersIn addition, create a title slide, reference slide, and presenter's notes.Support your presentation with a minimum of three resources.
Module Six Post Test
1. (LC)Letter to a Citizen of Kentucky, an excerptExecutive Mansion, Washington,April 4, 1864.A. G. Hodges, Esq., Frankfor ...
Module Six Post Test
1. (LC)Letter to a Citizen of Kentucky, an excerptExecutive Mansion, Washington,April 4, 1864.A. G. Hodges, Esq., Frankfort, Ky.My Dear Sir: You ask me to put in writing the substance of what I verbally stated the other day, in your presence, to Governor Bramlette and Senator Dixon. It was about as follows: I am naturally anti-slavery. If slavery is not wrong nothing is wrong. I cannot remember when I did not so think and feel; and yet I have never understood that the Presidency conferred upon me an unrestricted right to act officially in this judgment and feeling. It was in the oath I took that I would to the best of my ability preserve, protect and defend the Constitution of the United States. I could not take the office without taking the oath. Nor was it in my view that I might take the oath to get power, and break the oath in using the power. I understood, too, that in ordinary civil administration this oath even forbade me to practically indulge my primary abstract judgment on the moral question of slavery. I had publicly declared this many times and in many ways; and I aver that, to this day I have done no official act in mere deference to my abstract judgment and feeling on slavery. I did understand, however, that my oath to preserve the Constitution to the best of my ability imposed upon me the duty of preserving, by every indispensable means, that government, that nation, of which that Constitution was the organic law. Was it possible to lose the nation, and yet preserve the Constitution? By general law, life and limb must be protected; yet often a limb must be amputated to save a life, but a life is never wisely given to save a limb. I felt that measures, otherwise unconstitutional, might become lawful by becoming indispensable to the preservation of the Constitution through the preservation of the nation. Right or wrong, I assumed this ground, and now avow it. I could not feel that to the best of my ability I had even tried to preserve the Constitution, if, to save slavery, or any minor matter, I should permit the wreck of government, country, and Constitution altogether. When, early in the war, General Fremont attempted military emancipation, I forbade it, because I did not then think it an indispensable necessity. When, a little later, General Cameron, then Secretary of War, suggested the arming of the blacks, I objected, because I did not yet think it an indispensable necessity. When, still later, General Hunter attempted military emancipation, I forbade it, because I did not yet think the indispensable necessity had come. When, in March and May and July, 1862, I made earnest and successive appeals to the Border States to favor compensated emancipation, I believed the indispensable necessity for military emancipation and arming the blacks would come, unless averted by that measure. They declined the proposition; and I was, in my best judgment, driven to the alternative of either surrendering the Union, and with it the Constitution, or of laying strong hand upon the colored element. I chose the latter. In choosing it, I hoped for greater gain than loss; but of this I was not entirely confident...Yours truly,A. LincolnUse context to determine the meaning of the words in bold. (4 points) Laws that relate to scienceBasic principles and rulesQuestionable decisionsRules of society2. (LC)Letter to a Citizen of Kentucky, an excerptExecutive Mansion, Washington,April 4, 1864.A. G. Hodges, Esq., Frankfort, Ky.My Dear Sir: You ask me to put in writing the substance of what I verbally stated the other day, in your presence, to Governor Bramlette and Senator Dixon. It was about as follows: I am naturally anti-slavery. If slavery is not wrong nothing is wrong. I cannot remember when I did not so think and feel; and yet I have never understood that the Presidency conferred upon me an unrestricted right to act officially in this judgment and feeling. It was in the oath I took that I would to the best of my ability preserve, protect and defend the Constitution of the United States. I could not take the office without taking the oath. Nor was it in my view that I might take the oath to get power, and break the oath in using the power. I understood, too, that in ordinary civil administration this oath even forbade me to practically indulge my primary abstract judgment on the moral question of slavery. I had publicly declared this many times and in many ways; and I aver that, to this day I have done no official act in mere deference to my abstract judgment and feeling on slavery. I did understand, however, that my oath to preserve the Constitution to the best of my ability imposed upon me the duty of preserving, by every indispensable means, that government, that nation, of which that Constitution was the organic law. Was it possible to lose the nation, and yet preserve the Constitution? By general law, life and limb must be protected; yet often a limb must be amputated to save a life, but a life is never wisely given to save a limb. I felt that measures, otherwise unconstitutional, might become lawful by becoming indispensable to the preservation of the Constitution through the preservation of the nation. Right or wrong, I assumed this ground, and now avow it. I could not feel that to the best of my ability I had even tried to preserve the Constitution, if, to save slavery, or any minor matter, I should permit the wreck of government, country, and Constitution altogether. When, early in the war, General Fremont attempted military emancipation, I forbade it, because I did not then think it an indispensable necessity. When, a little later, General Cameron, then Secretary of War, suggested the arming of the blacks, I objected, because I did not yet think it an indispensable necessity. When, still later, General Hunter attempted military emancipation, I forbade it, because I did not yet think the indispensable necessity had come. When, in March and May and July, 1862, I made earnest and successive appeals to the Border States to favor compensated emancipation, I believed the indispensable necessity for military emancipation and arming the blacks would come, unless averted by that measure. They declined the proposition; and I was, in my best judgment, driven to the alternative of either surrendering the Union, and with it the Constitution, or of laying strong hand upon the colored element. I chose the latter. In choosing it, I hoped for greater gain than loss; but of this I was not entirely confident...Yours truly,A. LincolnUse context to determine the meaning of the words in bold. (4 points) Crucial requirementMutual agreementSignificant otherWorthwhile pastime3. (MC)Letter to a Citizen of Kentucky, an excerptExecutive Mansion, Washington,April 4, 1864.A. G. Hodges, Esq., Frankfort, Ky.My Dear Sir: You ask me to put in writing the substance of what I verbally stated the other day, in your presence, to Governor Bramlette and Senator Dixon. It was about as follows: I am naturally anti-slavery. If slavery is not wrong nothing is wrong. I cannot remember when I did not so think and feel; and yet I have never understood that the Presidency conferred upon me an unrestricted right to act officially in this judgment and feeling. It was in the oath I took that I would to the best of my ability preserve, protect and defend the Constitution of the United States. I could not take the office without taking the oath. Nor was it in my view that I might take the oath to get power, and break the oath in using the power. I understood, too, that in ordinary civil administration this oath even forbade me to practically indulge my primary abstract judgment on the moral question of slavery. I had publicly declared this many times and in many ways; and I aver that, to this day I have done no official act in mere deference to my abstract judgment and feeling on slavery. I did understand, however, that my oath to preserve the Constitution to the best of my ability imposed upon me the duty of preserving, by every indispensable means, that government, that nation, of which that Constitution was the organic law. Was it possible to lose the nation, and yet preserve the Constitution? By general law, life and limb must be protected; yet often a limb must be amputated to save a life, but a life is never wisely given to save a limb. I felt that measures, otherwise unconstitutional, might become lawful by becoming indispensable to the preservation of the Constitution through the preservation of the nation. Right or wrong, I assumed this ground, and now avow it. I could not feel that to the best of my ability I had even tried to preserve the Constitution, if, to save slavery, or any minor matter, I should permit the wreck of government, country, and Constitution altogether. When, early in the war, General Fremont attempted military emancipation, I forbade it, because I did not then think it an indispensable necessity. When, a little later, General Cameron, then Secretary of War, suggested the arming of the blacks, I objected, because I did not yet think it an indispensable necessity. When, still later, General Hunter attempted military emancipation, I forbade it, because I did not yet think the indispensable necessity had come. When, in March and May and July, 1862, I made earnest and successive appeals to the Border States to favor compensated emancipation, I believed the indispensable necessity for military emancipation and arming the blacks would come, unless averted by that measure. They declined the proposition; and I was, in my best judgment, driven to the alternative of either surrendering the Union, and with it the Constitution, or of laying strong hand upon the colored element. I chose the latter. In choosing it, I hoped for greater gain than loss; but of this I was not entirely confident...Yours truly,A. LincolnRead the following lines from the passage:I am naturally anti-slavery. If slavery is not wrong nothing is wrong. I cannot remember when I did not so think and feel; and yet I have never understood that the Presidency conferred upon me an unrestricted right to act officially in this judgment and feeling.Which comes closest to capturing Lincoln's true meaning in this passage? (4 points) I believe in abolishing slavery, but I know the majority of the people do not support it.I do not believe in forcing my beliefs on the people just because I am the president.I do not believe that the presidency gives me the authority to abolish slavery.Those who support abolishing slavery should look to another government authority.4. (MC)Letter to a Citizen of Kentucky, an excerptExecutive Mansion, Washington,April 4, 1864.A. G. Hodges, Esq., Frankfort, Ky.My Dear Sir: You ask me to put in writing the substance of what I verbally stated the other day, in your presence, to Governor Bramlette and Senator Dixon. It was about as follows: I am naturally anti-slavery. If slavery is not wrong nothing is wrong. I cannot remember when I did not so think and feel; and yet I have never understood that the Presidency conferred upon me an unrestricted right to act officially in this judgment and feeling. It was in the oath I took that I would to the best of my ability preserve, protect and defend the Constitution of the United States. I could not take the office without taking the oath. Nor was it in my view that I might take the oath to get power, and break the oath in using the power. I understood, too, that in ordinary civil administration this oath even forbade me to practically indulge my primary abstract judgment on the moral question of slavery. I had publicly declared this many times and in many ways; and I aver that, to this day I have done no official act in mere deference to my abstract judgment and feeling on slavery. I did understand, however, that my oath to preserve the Constitution to the best of my ability imposed upon me the duty of preserving, by every indispensable means, that government, that nation, of which that Constitution was the organic law. Was it possible to lose the nation, and yet preserve the Constitution? By general law, life and limb must be protected; yet often a limb must be amputated to save a life, but a life is never wisely given to save a limb. I felt that measures, otherwise unconstitutional, might become lawful by becoming indispensable to the preservation of the Constitution through the preservation of the nation. Right or wrong, I assumed this ground, and now avow it. I could not feel that to the best of my ability I had even tried to preserve the Constitution, if, to save slavery, or any minor matter, I should permit the wreck of government, country, and Constitution altogether. When, early in the war, General Fremont attempted military emancipation, I forbade it, because I did not then think it an indispensable necessity. When, a little later, General Cameron, then Secretary of War, suggested the arming of the blacks, I objected, because I did not yet think it an indispensable necessity. When, still later, General Hunter attempted military emancipation, I forbade it, because I did not yet think the indispensable necessity had come. When, in March and May and July, 1862, I made earnest and successive appeals to the Border States to favor compensated emancipation, I believed the indispensable necessity for military emancipation and arming the blacks would come, unless averted by that measure. They declined the proposition; and I was, in my best judgment, driven to the alternative of either surrendering the Union, and with it the Constitution, or of laying strong hand upon the colored element. I chose the latter. In choosing it, I hoped for greater gain than loss; but of this I was not entirely confident...Yours truly,A. LincolnRead this line from the text:Right or wrong, I assumed this ground, and now avow it.What does the phrase assumed this ground mean? (4 points) Forged an agreementFormed an allianceMade a suppositionTook this position5. (MC)Letter to a Citizen of Kentucky, an excerptExecutive Mansion, Washington,April 4, 1864.A. G. Hodges, Esq., Frankfort, Ky.My Dear Sir: You ask me to put in writing the substance of what I verbally stated the other day, in your presence, to Governor Bramlette and Senator Dixon. It was about as follows: I am naturally anti-slavery. If slavery is not wrong nothing is wrong. I cannot remember when I did not so think and feel; and yet I have never understood that the Presidency conferred upon me an unrestricted right to act officially in this judgment and feeling. It was in the oath I took that I would to the best of my ability preserve, protect and defend the Constitution of the United States. I could not take the office without taking the oath. Nor was it in my view that I might take the oath to get power, and break the oath in using the power. I understood, too, that in ordinary civil administration this oath even forbade me to practically indulge my primary abstract judgment on the moral question of slavery. I had publicly declared this many times and in many ways; and I aver that, to this day I have done no official act in mere deference to my abstract judgment and feeling on slavery. I did understand, however, that my oath to preserve the Constitution to the best of my ability imposed upon me the duty of preserving, by every indispensable means, that government, that nation, of which that Constitution was the organic law. Was it possible to lose the nation, and yet preserve the Constitution? By general law, life and limb must be protected; yet often a limb must be amputated to save a life, but a life is never wisely given to save a limb. I felt that measures, otherwise unconstitutional, might become lawful by becoming indispensable to the preservation of the Constitution through the preservation of the nation. Right or wrong, I assumed this ground, and now avow it. I could not feel that to the best of my ability I had even tried to preserve the Constitution, if, to save slavery, or any minor matter, I should permit the wreck of government, country, and Constitution altogether. When, early in the war, General Fremont attempted military emancipation, I forbade it, because I did not then think it an indispensable necessity. When, a little later, General Cameron, then Secretary of War, suggested the arming of the blacks, I objected, because I did not yet think it an indispensable necessity. When, still later, General Hunter attempted military emancipation, I forbade it, because I did not yet think the indispensable necessity had come. When, in March and May and July, 1862, I made earnest and successive appeals to the Border States to favor compensated emancipation, I believed the indispensable necessity for military emancipation and arming the blacks would come, unless averted by that measure. They declined the proposition; and I was, in my best judgment, driven to the alternative of either surrendering the Union, and with it the Constitution, or of laying strong hand upon the colored element. I chose the latter. In choosing it, I hoped for greater gain than loss; but of this I was not entirely confident...Yours truly,A. LincolnWhat is the context for this document? (4 points) A letter explaining an earlier commentA speech given at a dinner partyA commentary on a piece of legislationAn explanation of an earlier document6. (LC)Letter to a Citizen of Kentucky, an excerptExecutive Mansion, Washington,April 4, 1864.A. G. Hodges, Esq., Frankfort, Ky.My Dear Sir: You ask me to put in writing the substance of what I verbally stated the other day, in your presence, to Governor Bramlette and Senator Dixon. It was about as follows: I am naturally anti-slavery. If slavery is not wrong nothing is wrong. I cannot remember when I did not so think and feel; and yet I have never understood that the Presidency conferred upon me an unrestricted right to act officially in this judgment and feeling. It was in the oath I took that I would to the best of my ability preserve, protect and defend the Constitution of the United States. I could not take the office without taking the oath. Nor was it in my view that I might take the oath to get power, and break the oath in using the power. I understood, too, that in ordinary civil administration this oath even forbade me to practically indulge my primary abstract judgment on the moral question of slavery. I had publicly declared this many times and in many ways; and I aver that, to this day I have done no official act in mere deference to my abstract judgment and feeling on slavery. I did understand, however, that my oath to preserve the Constitution to the best of my ability imposed upon me the duty of preserving, by every indispensable means, that government, that nation, of which that Constitution was the organic law. Was it possible to lose the nation, and yet preserve the Constitution? By general law, life and limb must be protected; yet often a limb must be amputated to save a life, but a life is never wisely given to save a limb. I felt that measures, otherwise unconstitutional, might become lawful by becoming indispensable to the preservation of the Constitution through the preservation of the nation. Right or wrong, I assumed this ground, and now avow it. I could not feel that to the best of my ability I had even tried to preserve the Constitution, if, to save slavery, or any minor matter, I should permit the wreck of government, country, and Constitution altogether. When, early in the war, General Fremont attempted military emancipation, I forbade it, because I did not then think it an indispensable necessity. When, a little later, General Cameron, then Secretary of War, suggested the arming of the blacks, I objected, because I did not yet think it an indispensable necessity. When, still later, General Hunter attempted military emancipation, I forbade it, because I did not yet think the indispensable necessity had come. When, in March and May and July, 1862, I made earnest and successive appeals to the Border States to favor compensated emancipation, I believed the indispensable necessity for military emancipation and arming the blacks would come, unless averted by that measure. They declined the proposition; and I was, in my best judgment, driven to the alternative of either surrendering the Union, and with it the Constitution, or of laying strong hand upon the colored element. I chose the latter. In choosing it, I hoped for greater gain than loss; but of this I was not entirely confident...Yours truly,A. LincolnWhat lesson does President Lincoln express in the line in bold? (4 points) It is essential to have a medical degree.Arms and legs are necessary in battle.Sometimes sacrifices are necessary.Many people have suffered unfairly.7. (LC)Letter to a Citizen of Kentucky, an excerptExecutive Mansion, Washington,April 4, 1864.A. G. Hodges, Esq., Frankfort, Ky.My Dear Sir: You ask me to put in writing the substance of what I verbally stated the other day, in your presence, to Governor Bramlette and Senator Dixon. It was about as follows: I am naturally anti-slavery. If slavery is not wrong nothing is wrong. I cannot remember when I did not so think and feel; and yet I have never understood that the Presidency conferred upon me an unrestricted right to act officially in this judgment and feeling. It was in the oath I took that I would to the best of my ability preserve, protect and defend the Constitution of the United States. I could not take the office without taking the oath. Nor was it in my view that I might take the oath to get power, and break the oath in using the power. I understood, too, that in ordinary civil administration this oath even forbade me to practically indulge my primary abstract judgment on the moral question of slavery. I had publicly declared this many times and in many ways; and I aver that, to this day I have done no official act in mere deference to my abstract judgment and feeling on slavery. I did understand, however, that my oath to preserve the Constitution to the best of my ability imposed upon me the duty of preserving, by every indispensable means, that government, that nation, of which that Constitution was the organic law. Was it possible to lose the nation, and yet preserve the Constitution? By general law, life and limb must be protected; yet often a limb must be amputated to save a life, but a life is never wisely given to save a limb. I felt that measures, otherwise unconstitutional, might become lawful by becoming indispensable to the preservation of the Constitution through the preservation of the nation. Right or wrong, I assumed this ground, and now avow it. I could not feel that to the best of my ability I had even tried to preserve the Constitution, if, to save slavery, or any minor matter, I should permit the wreck of government, country, and Constitution altogether. When, early in the war, General Fremont attempted military emancipation, I forbade it, because I did not then think it an indispensable necessity. When, a little later, General Cameron, then Secretary of War, suggested the arming of the blacks, I objected, because I did not yet think it an indispensable necessity. When, still later, General Hunter attempted military emancipation, I forbade it, because I did not yet think the indispensable necessity had come. When, in March and May and July, 1862, I made earnest and successive appeals to the Border States to favor compensated emancipation, I believed the indispensable necessity for military emancipation and arming the blacks would come, unless averted by that measure. They declined the proposition; and I was, in my best judgment, driven to the alternative of either surrendering the Union, and with it the Constitution, or of laying strong hand upon the colored element. I chose the latter. In choosing it, I hoped for greater gain than loss; but of this I was not entirely confident...Yours truly,A. LincolnWhat does President Lincoln describe in the lines in bold? (4 points) The highlight of his PresidencyThe end of the long warA start of a new warA difficult decision he made8. (LC)Letter to a Citizen of Kentucky, an excerptExecutive Mansion, Washington,April 4, 1864.A. G. Hodges, Esq., Frankfort, Ky.My Dear Sir: You ask me to put in writing the substance of what I verbally stated the other day, in your presence, to Governor Bramlette and Senator Dixon. It was about as follows: I am naturally anti-slavery. If slavery is not wrong nothing is wrong. I cannot remember when I did not so think and feel; and yet I have never understood that the Presidency conferred upon me an unrestricted right to act officially in this judgment and feeling. It was in the oath I took that I would to the best of my ability preserve, protect and defend the Constitution of the United States. I could not take the office without taking the oath. Nor was it in my view that I might take the oath to get power, and break the oath in using the power. I understood, too, that in ordinary civil administration this oath even forbade me to practically indulge my primary abstract judgment on the moral question of slavery. I had publicly declared this many times and in many ways; and I aver that, to this day I have done no official act in mere deference to my abstract judgment and feeling on slavery. I did understand, however, that my oath to preserve the Constitution to the best of my ability imposed upon me the duty of preserving, by every indispensable means, that government, that nation, of which that Constitution was the organic law. Was it possible to lose the nation, and yet preserve the Constitution? By general law, life and limb must be protected; yet often a limb must be amputated to save a life, but a life is never wisely given to save a limb. I felt that measures, otherwise unconstitutional, might become lawful by becoming indispensable to the preservation of the Constitution through the preservation of the nation. Right or wrong, I assumed this ground, and now avow it. I could not feel that to the best of my ability I had even tried to preserve the Constitution, if, to save slavery, or any minor matter, I should permit the wreck of government, country, and Constitution altogether. When, early in the war, General Fremont attempted military emancipation, I forbade it, because I did not then think it an indispensable necessity. When, a little later, General Cameron, then Secretary of War, suggested the arming of the blacks, I objected, because I did not yet think it an indispensable necessity. When, still later, General Hunter attempted military emancipation, I forbade it, because I did not yet think the indispensable necessity had come. When, in March and May and July, 1862, I made earnest and successive appeals to the Border States to favor compensated emancipation, I believed the indispensable necessity for military emancipation and arming the blacks would come, unless averted by that measure. They declined the proposition; and I was, in my best judgment, driven to the alternative of either surrendering the Union, and with it the Constitution, or of laying strong hand upon the colored element. I chose the latter. In choosing it, I hoped for greater gain than loss; but of this I was not entirely confident...Yours truly,A. LincolnIn a paragraph of three to five sentences, summarize President Lincoln's meaning in the paragraph in bold. Use proper spelling and grammar. (5 points) 9. (LC)The Emancipation Proclamation, excerptBY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. A PROCLAMATION.I, ABRAHAM LINCOLN, President of the United States of America, and Commander-in-Chief of the Army and Navy thereof, do hereby proclaim and declare that hereafter, as heretofore, the war will be prosecuted for the object of practically restoring the constitutional relation between the United States, and each of the States, and the people thereof, in which States that relation is, or may be, suspended or disturbed.That on the first day of January in the year of our Lord, one thousand eight hundred and sixty-three, all persons held as slaves within any State, or designated part of a State, the people whereof shall then be in rebellion against the United States shall be then, thenceforward, and forever free; and the executive government of the United States, including the military and naval authority thereof, will recognize and maintain the freedom of such persons, and will do no act or acts to repress such persons, or any of them, in any efforts they may make for their actual freedom.That the executive will, on the first day of January aforesaid, by proclamation, designate the States, and part of States, if any, in which the people thereof respectively, shall then be in rebellion against the United States; and the fact that any State, or the people thereof shall, on that day be, in good faith represented in the Congress of the United States, by members chosen thereto, at elections wherein a majority of the qualified voters of such State shall have participated, shall, in the absence of strong countervailing testimony, be deemed conclusive evidence that such State and the people thereof, are not then in rebellion against the United States.Use context to determine the meaning of the word in bold. (4 points) ConfusingExpensiveConfirmedExtravagant10. (MC)The Emancipation Proclamation, excerptBY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. A PROCLAMATION.I, ABRAHAM LINCOLN, President of the United States of America, and Commander-in-Chief of the Army and Navy thereof, do hereby proclaim and declare that hereafter, as heretofore, the war will be prosecuted for the object of practically restoring the constitutional relation between the United States, and each of the States, and the people thereof, in which States that relation is, or may be, suspended or disturbed.That it is my purpose, upon the next meeting of Congress to again recommend the adoption of a practical measure tendering pecuniary aid to the free acceptance or rejection of all slave States, so called, the people whereof may not then be in rebellion against the United States and which States may then have voluntarily adopted, or thereafter may voluntarily adopt, immediate or gradual abolishment of slavery within their respective limits; and that the effort to colonize persons of African descent, with their consent, upon this continent, or elsewhere, with the previously obtained consent of the Governments existing there, will be continued.That on the first day of January in the year of our Lord, one thousand eight hundred and sixty-three, all persons held as slaves within any State, or designated part of a State, the people whereof shall then be in rebellion against the United States shall be then, thenceforward, and forever free; and the executive government of the United States, including the military and naval authority thereof, will recognize and maintain the freedom of such persons, and will do no act or acts to repress such persons, or any of them, in any efforts they may make for their actual freedom.That the executive will, on the first day of January aforesaid, by proclamation, designate the States, and part of States, if any, in which the people thereof respectively, shall then be in rebellion against the United States; and the fact that any State, or the people thereof shall, on that day be, in good faith represented in the Congress of the United States, by members chosen thereto, at elections wherein a majority of the qualified voters of such State shall have participated, shall, in the absence of strong countervailing testimony, be deemed conclusive evidence that such State and the people thereof, are not then in rebellion against the United States.That attention is hereby called to an Act of Congress entitled "An Act to make an additional Article of War" approved March 13, 1862, and which act is in the words and figure following:''Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That hereafter the following shall be promulgated as an additional article of war for the government of the army of the United States, and shall be obeyed and observed as such:Article —. All officers or persons in the military or naval service of the United States are prohibited from employing any of the forces under their respective commands for the purpose of returning fugitives from service or labor, who may have escaped from any persons to whom such service or labor is claimed to be due, and any officer who shall be found guilty by a court-martial of violating this article shall be dismissed from the service.SEC. 2. And be it further enacted, That this act shall take effect from and after its passage."What is Lincoln's purpose in writing this document? (4 points) To explain the moral reasons for abolishing slaveryTo outline the practical effects of abolishing slaveryTo force Congress to convene to abolish slaveryTo force Congress to convene to end the Civil War11. (MC)The Emancipation Proclamation, excerptBY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. A PROCLAMATION.I, ABRAHAM LINCOLN, President of the United States of America, and Commander-in-Chief of the Army and Navy thereof, do hereby proclaim and declare that hereafter, as heretofore, the war will be prosecuted for the object of practically restoring the constitutional relation between the United States, and each of the States, and the people thereof, in which States that relation is, or may be, suspended or disturbed.That it is my purpose, upon the next meeting of Congress to again recommend the adoption of a practical measure tendering pecuniary aid to the free acceptance or rejection of all slave States, so called, the people whereof may not then be in rebellion against the United States and which States may then have voluntarily adopted, or thereafter may voluntarily adopt, immediate or gradual abolishment of slavery within their respective limits; and that the effort to colonize persons of African descent, with their consent, upon this continent, or elsewhere, with the previously obtained consent of the Governments existing there, will be continued.That on the first day of January in the year of our Lord, one thousand eight hundred and sixty-three, all persons held as slaves within any State, or designated part of a State, the people whereof shall then be in rebellion against the United States shall be then, thenceforward, and forever free; and the executive government of the United States, including the military and naval authority thereof, will recognize and maintain the freedom of such persons, and will do no act or acts to repress such persons, or any of them, in any efforts they may make for their actual freedom.That the executive will, on the first day of January aforesaid, by proclamation, designate the States, and part of States, if any, in which the people thereof respectively, shall then be in rebellion against the United States; and the fact that any State, or the people thereof shall, on that day be, in good faith represented in the Congress of the United States, by members chosen thereto, at elections wherein a majority of the qualified voters of such State shall have participated, shall, in the absence of strong countervailing testimony, be deemed conclusive evidence that such State and the people thereof, are not then in rebellion against the United States.That attention is hereby called to an Act of Congress entitled "An Act to make an additional Article of War" approved March 13, 1862, and which act is in the words and figure following:''Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That hereafter the following shall be promulgated as an additional article of war for the government of the army of the United States, and shall be obeyed and observed as such:Article —. All officers or persons in the military or naval service of the United States are prohibited from employing any of the forces under their respective commands for the purpose of returning fugitives from service or labor, who may have escaped from any persons to whom such service or labor is claimed to be due, and any officer who shall be found guilty by a court-martial of violating this article shall be dismissed from the service.SEC. 2. And be it further enacted, That this act shall take effect from and after its passage."Which word most clearly and correctly describes the tone of this text? (4 points) InformalFirmMilitaristicPolitical12. (HC)The Emancipation Proclamation, excerptBY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. A PROCLAMATION.I, ABRAHAM LINCOLN, President of the United States of America, and Commander-in-Chief of the Army and Navy thereof, do hereby proclaim and declare that hereafter, as heretofore, the war will be prosecuted for the object of practically restoring the constitutional relation between the United States, and each of the States, and the people thereof, in which States that relation is, or may be, suspended or disturbed.That it is my purpose, upon the next meeting of Congress to again recommend the adoption of a practical measure tendering pecuniary aid to the free acceptance or rejection of all slave States, so called, the people whereof may not then be in rebellion against the United States and which States may then have voluntarily adopted, or thereafter may voluntarily adopt, immediate or gradual abolishment of slavery within their respective limits; and that the effort to colonize persons of African descent, with their consent, upon this continent, or elsewhere, with the previously obtained consent of the Governments existing there, will be continued.That on the first day of January in the year of our Lord, one thousand eight hundred and sixty-three, all persons held as slaves within any State, or designated part of a State, the people whereof shall then be in rebellion against the United States shall be then, thenceforward, and forever free; and the executive government of the United States, including the military and naval authority thereof, will recognize and maintain the freedom of such persons, and will do no act or acts to repress such persons, or any of them, in any efforts they may make for their actual freedom.That the executive will, on the first day of January aforesaid, by proclamation, designate the States, and part of States, if any, in which the people thereof respectively, shall then be in rebellion against the United States; and the fact that any State, or the people thereof shall, on that day be, in good faith represented in the Congress of the United States, by members chosen thereto, at elections wherein a majority of the qualified voters of such State shall have participated, shall, in the absence of strong countervailing testimony, be deemed conclusive evidence that such State and the people thereof, are not then in rebellion against the United States.That attention is hereby called to an Act of Congress entitled "An Act to make an additional Article of War" approved March 13, 1862, and which act is in the words and figure following:''Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That hereafter the following shall be promulgated as an additional article of war for the government of the army of the United States, and shall be obeyed and observed as such:Article —. All officers or persons in the military or naval service of the United States are prohibited from employing any of the forces under their respective commands for the purpose of returning fugitives from service or labor, who may have escaped from any persons to whom such service or labor is claimed to be due, and any officer who shall be found guilty by a court-martial of violating this article shall be dismissed from the service.SEC. 2. And be it further enacted, That this act shall take effect from and after its passage."What is the reasoning behind Lincoln's referring to the South as "the rebellion"?Why does he continually use this term?Be sure to use evidence from the text to support your answer. (5 points) 13. (LC)Read this sentence from Abraham Lincoln's Second Inaugural Address:One-eighth of the whole population were colored slaves, not distributed generally over the Union, but localized in the southern part of it. These slaves constituted a peculiar and powerful interest. All knew that this interest was somehow the cause of the war.What does the word peculiar mean? (4 points) CommonNotableTypicalUnusualPowerful14. (LC)Read this sentence from Abraham Lincoln's Second Inaugural Address:He gives to both North and South this terrible war as the woe due to those by whom the offense came, . . .What does the word woe suggest as used in this sentence? (4 points) CriticismExemptionPunishmentReproach15. (MC)Read this sentence from Abraham Lincoln's Second Inaugural Address:. . . let us strive on to finish the work we are in; to bind up the nation's wounds; to care for him who shall have borne the battle, and for his widow, and his orphan – to do all which may achieve and cherish a just, and a lasting peace, among ourselves, and with all nationsWhich of the following best describes the effect of the phrase bind up the nation's wounds? (4 points) It implies a caring approach to ending the war.It implies a medical, scientific response to war.It suggests a spreading infectious thought.It suggests restricting the South during recovery.16. (MC)Read this sentence from Abraham Lincoln's letter to a citizen of Kentucky:By general law, life and limb must be protected; yet often a limb must be amputated to save a life, but a life is never wisely given to save a limb.Which rhetorical device does Lincoln use in this sentence, and for what purpose? (4 points) Metaphor; shows that the whole is greater than the sum of its partsMetaphor; shows that all parts of the whole must be protectedSimile; shows that the whole is greater than the sum of its partsSimile; shows that all parts of the whole must be protected
The nature of slavery and how slavery affected southern society, (100 words), history homework help
What does this account reveal about the nature of slavery and how slavery affected southern society?After reading "Inciden ...
The nature of slavery and how slavery affected southern society, (100 words), history homework help
What does this account reveal about the nature of slavery and how slavery affected southern society?After reading "Incidents in the Life of a Slave Girl" and other stories from research along with watching various movies it is clear that some "Masters" often had sex with their female slaves. They would see these young girls grow into young ladies and began putting them in awkward positions by having sexual relations with them.There after, They will tell them no to tell anybody and to fear God by obeying their master and tell them to keep it a secret. In most cases, they would threaten to kill them and/or their loved ones should they ever say something and this would often keep them quiet.The owners of these slaves also, were known to have many children with the female slaves they owned throughout the years and often the owner’s wife would keep quiet about the situation if she was aware. It was on rare occasions that a wife would confront her husband on his findings, mainly for the reason of not losing the comfort she has come to being accustom with. The female slaves often were worried about what would happen to them and what their loved ones would do if they spoke of what had happened. minimum 100 word responce please.
5 pages
Conflicts Between Islam And Europe Edited
There have been questions on how Islam came to Europe and the reception it got. Presently, they are the second-largest rel ...
Conflicts Between Islam And Europe Edited
There have been questions on how Islam came to Europe and the reception it got. Presently, they are the second-largest religion in Europe after ...
Startford University Cross Culture Diversity Research Paper
(1)TASK 2 Write a 2-3 page (double-spaced) research paper about the food culture. Structure your paper using the below gui ...
Startford University Cross Culture Diversity Research Paper
(1)TASK 2 Write a 2-3 page (double-spaced) research paper about the food culture. Structure your paper using the below guideline:INTRODUCTION (1 paragraph): Include a thesis statement where you define your food culture and explain what makes it important to American culture. Include a picture of the food you ate!BODY (3 paragraphs): Write one paragraph describing the food culture (the actual food products as well as the beliefs and practices surrounding their consumption); one paragraph explaining the history of the food culture; and one paragraph explaining its impact on the broader American culture.CONCLUSION (1 paragraph): Restate your thesis. Explain why thinking about food cultures helps us understand and value diversity.Discussion 2"Cultural differences cause problems. It is better for people to stay in their own countries rather than to migrate to other ones." Do you agree? Please write a meaningful answer (three or more paragraphs) that fully addresses the question above.. Please reply to 2 of my classmates below. First Classmate write up to be replied to: Umu Kamara Yes, I do believe that cultural differences cause problems, but I disagree that it is better for people to stay in their own countries rather than migrate to other ones. When I was in my country, Sierra Leone, I used to think that what I learned, the rules, norms, values, beliefs, behaviors, and even the English language – Sierra Leone was British colonized, so we speak the English language that we were taught from kindergarten – was the best. Then, the opportunity to travel to the United States arose and I travelled. I had a cultural shock as the culture of the United State was vastly different from mine as a foreigner and it took me a long time to adjust and adapt to this culture. Travelling is the best teacher and educator that helps and lets us really adjust, adapt and adopt when it comes to other people’s cultures. According to the lesson on culture, I learned the culture of the United States, its values and beliefs, and even participated in some. The only thing is that I was born into a family with a Muslim background, and I do not participate in Halloween because, in Sierra Leone, we regard the costumes worn as witchcraft and as a Muslim I followed the beliefs and values of my culture. I have always thought that my culture was the best and I was proven wrong after I traveled to a few countries, then I learned to appreciate their cultures. I learned something new all the time and I learned to mingle and choose the best from the cultures I have lived in and accepted them.As Mr. Pelligrino said in the TedTalk video, our behaviors, like our non-verbal body language, mostly gives us away and people only see what they want to see and not what we want them to see especially if we come from a different culture. There are always biases and prejudices about other cultures and we always tend to believe what other people tell us. Therefore, if we want to achieve success in cross-culture we have to ignore our assumptions as well as the assumptions of others. We should be curious, ask questions so we can learn more, and be willing to accept other people’s cultures if we want them to accept ours..CLASSMATE 2 to be replied to Amarachi Ugah :One living in their own country is considered a better option compared to migrating due to cultural differences. Culture cannot be improved through migrating, otherwise, it will cause problems because one will have to change their way of living to cope with the new culture. The change may not be easy since one needs to stop some critical aspects and follow others, leading to an uncomfortable life. Different people feed on diverse types of foods that cannot be provided by others. Some others may find feeding on some kinds of meals as illegal or evil and cannot allow happening in their culture. People ought to live in their own country to reduce conflicts among different cultures. Conflicts come up when diverse cultures have different perspectives and ideas concerning essential issues to be solved.People have to change their careers when they migrate because their job in other countries may vary in salary and how it is operated. For instance, some jobs are done explicitly by men in one country, which might not be the case in other states. People in different countries use diverse languages to communicate. A problem is created when one migrates knowing only their language hence becoming challenging to communicate after migration. Individuals find it hard to cope with a new environment after relocation because the surroundings are different and might be hostile. Harsh environments can be due to the new society that might not understand one's way of living. The color of people from different cultures can also cause problems since it can lead to racism where white people see themselves being so important than black. The value of gender equality is viewed differently in diverse cultures. For instance, some cultures value the male gender compared to females for different reasons, which is not the case in other countries
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