Criminal Justice: Explore linkages between the theory of terrorism and practical

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Explore linkages between the theory of terrorism and practical counterterrorism activities, including predicting the most likely directions terrorism will take in the future. Based on the material covered in Martin’s textbook and the articles available in the Supplementary Reading Packets:

  1. Describe what can be done to counter terrorism other than overt military engagements.
  2. Explain the challenges of each technique you describe.
  3. Provide specific examples of real-world situations for each technique AND for each challenge you identify.

Additional Guidelines:

  1. Incorporate information from at least four modules across the course.
  2. Your paper should include a title page, an abstract, no less than 8 pages of written text (1-inch margins, 12-point font, double-spaced), and a bibliography.
  3. The body of your text will include an introduction stating the purpose of your paper, several well-formulated paragraphs of no less than five sentences with appropriate transition sentences between them, and a conclusion bringing your paper to an orderly close.
  4. You must use your textbook and at least four articles from the Supplementary Reading Materials of any module in this course that you have not already used as primary sources for your paper.
  5. Your entire paper – from the layout to the citations – must conform to APA format to include an abstract page and a closing summary paragraph.


Textbook: Martin, G. (2012). Understanding terrorism: Challenges, perspectives, and issues (4th ed.). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications.  ISBN: 9781452205823

Supplemental reading:

American Behavioral Scientist-2005-Muu00a6u00eallerson-1626-56.pdf

American Behavioral Scientist-2010-Manwell-848-84.pdf

American Behavioral Scientist-2010-Thorne-885-920.pdf

Criminal Justice Policy Review-2009-Gabbidon-344-58.pdf

Criminal Justice Review-2008-Skoll-29-47.pdf

European Journal of International Relations-2008-De Goede-161-85.pdf

International Criminal Justice Review-2011-Lankford-118-33.pdf

The ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science-2007-Moore-116-32.pdf

Millennium - Journal of International Studies-2008-Lang-493-511.pdf

Journal of Contemporary Criminal Justice-2007-McGarrell-142-58.pdf

The Family Journal-2002-Jordan-139-44.pdf

Journal of Conflict Resolution-2007-Sullivan-496-524.pdf

Journal of Conflict Resolution-2007-Clauset-58-87.pdf

International Journal of Comparative Sociology-2005-Oliverio-153-69.pdf

Bulletin of Science Technology & Society-2004-Juu00a6u00eargensen-55-9.pdf

American Behavioral Scientist-2005-Salij-700-9.pdf

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Americanhttp://abs.sagepub.com/ Behavioral Scientist Being Tough on Terrorism or Respecting Human Rights : A False Dilemma of Authoritarian and Liberal Responses Rein Müllerson American Behavioral Scientist 2005 48: 1626 DOI: 10.1177/0002764205278081 The online version of this article can be found at: http://abs.sagepub.com/content/48/12/1626 Published by: http://www.sagepublications.com Additional services and information for American Behavioral Scientist can be found at: Email Alerts: http://abs.sagepub.com/cgi/alerts Subscriptions: http://abs.sagepub.com/subscriptions Reprints: http://www.sagepub.com/journalsReprints.nav Permissions: http://www.sagepub.com/journalsPermissions.nav Citations: http://abs.sagepub.com/content/48/12/1626.refs.html >> Version of Record - Jun 27, 2005 What is This? Downloaded from abs.sagepub.com by guest on March 4, 2012 Being Tough on Terrorism or Respecting Human Rights A False Dilemma of Authoritarian and Liberal Responses REIN MÜLLERSON King’s College, London University Today the world has become too small to remain too different—liberal-democratic and authoritarian-totalitarian, rich and poor, healthy and mired in epidemics. Such variations also constitute a fertile ground for terrorism. The concepts of East and West, South and North have all emerged as Homo sapiens, starting from an African village, spread throughout the world. Today we are creating the global village of planet Earth. In this village, differences acquired during the millennia of separation and isolation not only enrich humankind but some also can serve as a cause, a catalyst, or a pretext for conflicts, including terrorism. Having dissimilated for millennia, humankind is slowly and often reluctantly assimilating. However, sustainable integration, whether economic or political, is not possible without some kind of assimilation taking place (i.e., integrating entities becoming in some respect similar to each other). Keywords: communitarianism; East-West relations; democracy and human rights; terrorism; integration and assimilation in the globalizing world If Professor Etzioni (2004) was right in observing that the EU suffers from not only a democratic deficit but also a “community deficit” (p. 187), then there are indeed few hopes that in the foreseeable future a global community may emerge. One could justifiably yearn for more community spirit within the now 25 EU member states, but in no Pollyannaish dream can I imagine a world community emerging that may approximate the EU in the realization of communitarian ideals. Therefore, if effective global governance is not possible without a global community, then there will be no such governance. Things may, however, not be so hopeless, and various trends that Etzioni described in his book may indeed in the longer run lead to a kind of “normative synthesis,” which will probably, using Michael Walzer’s (1994) definition, be quite “thin,” and which may nevertheless facilitate finding more effective solutions to some existing or emerging global problems, including terrorism. AMERICAN BEHAVIORAL SCIENTIST, Vol. 48 No. 12, August 2005 1626-1656 DOI: 10.1177/0002764205278081 © 2005 Sage Publications 1626 Downloaded from abs.sagepub.com by guest on March 4, 2012 Müllerson / FALSE DILEMMA 1627 There may be two interrelated but nevertheless distinct communitarian tendencies in the world, only the second of which—hardly discernable today— directly belongs to the domain of international relations. The first, and somewhat stronger, tendency manifests itself in domestic political, economic, and cultural domains and stems from the fact that in today’s interdependent world, competing and cooperating societies, if they want to succeed, almost inevitably have to become in some important respects (notwithstanding all the existing and remaining differences) more and more similar to each other. How, and to what extent, this approximation of domestic societies can spill over into the domain of international relations is more difficult to tell. However, and as discussed further in this article, there are signs indicating that the need to face global challenges in the more and more interdependent world is indeed leading toward some normative synthesis, although this second communitarian tendency (i.e., the development of global community based on such normative synthesis) is still rather fragile. I agree with Etzioni (2004) that it is not only non-Western countries that should “borrow” from the Western experience; there should be a two- (or multi) way street between various societies. Here a “soft” or responsive communitarianism, which avoids the extremisms of unfettered individualism and authoritarianism (the latter is often underpinned by “hard” communitarian ideology), may well be one of the solutions to some serious social illnesses. Therefore, I find that Etzioni’s approach to international relations avoids the extremes of some other international relations theories and constitutes an internally coherent theoretical vision of the topic under study.1 Because it is organically linked to internal developments in various societies, it is helpful for understanding major changes going on in the world. As I hope will be clear from the following analysis, some aspects of the communitarian approach also enlighten my study of problems relating to terrorism and human rights. In this article, after a short personal introductory note concerning both the clash and meeting of minds between the East and the West at the shores of beautiful Lake Issyk Kul in Kyrgyzstan, I try to analyze different approaches to combating terrorism. Today no society, Eastern or Western, is free from terrorist threats. In that respect, too, we are in the same boat. There had better be neither East nor West when humankind faces global challenges, including the scourge of the beginning of the 21st century—terrorism. In this struggle, the coordinated measures of all governments and societies are needed not only in the lawenforcement or military domains. No less, if not more, important is cooperation in areas such as economic development, democratization, and protection of human rights. The world has simply become too small to remain too different— liberal-democratic and authoritarian-totalitarian, rich and poor, healthy and mired in epidemics. Such variations, among other things, also create a fertile ground for terrorism. I finish the article with some reflections of a more general nature on an idea that is contextual to my study of terrorism and human rights and echoes Downloaded from abs.sagepub.com by guest on March 4, 2012 1628 AMERICAN BEHAVIORAL SCIENTIST Etzioni’s (2004) communitarian approach to international relations. The concepts of East and West, South and North, have all emerged as Homo sapiens, starting from an African village, spread throughout the world. Today, having filled all hospitable and even inhospitable spaces, we are in the process of creating the global village of planet Earth. In this village, differences acquired during the millennia of separation and isolation not only enrich humankind but some also can serve as a cause, a catalyst, or a pretext for conflicts. Terrorism, especially terrorism inspired or reinforced by religious differences, is one of the manifestations of such conflicts. Of course, this new “coming together” not only stimulates conflicts but also provides new conflict resolution mechanisms and forces societies to become more similar to each other. Having dissimilated for millennia, humankind is slowly and often reluctantly assimilating. Sometimes the resistance to assimilation takes violent forms. However, sustainable integration, whether economic or political, is not possible without some kind of assimilation taking place (i.e., integrating entities becoming in some respect similar to each other). Even the tolerance of differences requires assimilation in the sense that societies or individuals have all to acquire the same quality—tolerance of differences. At the same time, there are practices in some parts of the world that are, or that have become, intolerable (such as torture, racial or gender discrimination, or slavery). By overcoming such practices, different peoples become more similar, in other words, the process of assimilation is taking place. REINTERPRETING KIPLING AT THE SHORES OF LAKE ISSYK KUL Shortly after I had had the pleasure of meeting the communitarian guru Amitai Etzioni at picturesque Lake Issyk Kul, where the United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization and the government of Kyrgyzstan had organized the Dialogue of Cultures or Clash of Civilizations Conference, I spent some wonderful days traveling with my family and friends, among them a new one—Musurkul Kabylbekov, whose powerful Toyota Land Cruiser took us around the lake. Musurkul, a Kazakh who was born and has lived most of his life in Kyrgyzstan, is a successful businessman and journalist with a Ph.D. in philosophy from Almaty University in Kazakhstan. Musurkul is one of the most politically incorrect intellectuals I have ever met and this naturally attracted me. But even in my hatred of political correctness (in the Soviet Union, where in the occupied Estonia I was born and brought up, one had to be officially declared politically correct and morally stable), I sometimes felt embarrassed. But my passionate discussions with Musurkul sharpened some ideas that had interested me for years and brought them home also in a literal sense because my family members—wife Irina and son George—took part in our heated exchanges. Even my Westernized Russian wife, whom Musurkul found extremely intrusive in men’s affairs, did not cease to respect Musurkul. High personal integrity, Downloaded from abs.sagepub.com by guest on March 4, 2012 Müllerson / FALSE DILEMMA 1629 obvious respect for one’s parents and elders, well-educated and well–brought up sons, and generous Eastern hospitality are all qualities that call for respect. Indeed, I find that there are many things besides Chinese food or Japanese ikebana from which the West may benefit while borrowing from the East. Musurkul is a devout Muslim who prays five times a day and observes all the other strict requirements of his faith. From his point of view, the liberal Central Asian Islam, especially its Sufi brand that is still widely professed in the region, is a clear heresy. Of course, this is exactly why Sufism appeals to me; namely, because of its heretic foundation and history. Former Soviets, in my opinion and almost by definition, should be either conformists or heretics. There is hardly a middle ground possible. From Musurkul’s point of view, I exemplify, especially in my capacity as a UN human rights adviser, the weaknesses and softness of the West, whose impending decline he clearly foresees. Today’s Western emphasis on human rights and democracy, in Musurkul’s opinion, has similarities with the decay of the Roman Empire, which fell because of its softness under the blows of fierce barbarians who knew neither mercy nor hesitation. He believes that the lack of toughness and the tolerance toward everything and everybody are like worms nibbling away the core of the West in the face of challenges from new barbarians at the gates who also know neither mercy nor hesitation. Musurkul says that he not only likes me but in abstract is also even sympathetic to some of my decadent views—yet according to him, they are not for the bloody world that we inhabit. And of course, the world will remain bloody because such is human nature and not much can be done about it. To emphasize his point, Musurkul told me a parable about the fall of the Caliphate of Cordoba, which was established in the Iberian Peninsula as an emirate by the Umayyads prince from Damascus Abd alRahman I in the second half of the 8th century A.D. As is well known, the Christians did not cease dreaming to reconquer Cordoba from the Muslims; but for a lengthy period of time, the balance of power did not favor Christian kings and princes. Once upon a time they even sent a spy whose task was to find out whether the time was ripe to win the Caliphate back from the Arabs. This wise man spoke perfect Arabic, was familiar with details of Muslim culture, and was even an Arab look-alike (at that time, in the absence of SIGINT—signal intelligence—there were such spies). On his arrival in Cordoba, the spy noticed a group of young boys who were arduously praying, and only one boy was sitting aloof, obviously in deep distress. The spy asked the boy, “What has happened to you? Why are you in such pain?” Without raising his head, the boy responded almost inaudibly, “Oh, nobody can help me. My father can send an arrow to over 400 meters while my arrow hardly flies 300 meters.” The futility of any attempt of reconquering the lost land was immediately clear to the spy and he returned with the firm conclusion that it was impossible to triumph over the defenders of Cordoba—a people of such a firm faith and unflinching military spirit. Downloaded from abs.sagepub.com by guest on March 4, 2012 1630 AMERICAN BEHAVIORAL SCIENTIST More than 100 years passed, and a grandson of the old spy, who equaled his grandfather in cloak-and-dagger work, was sent by the Christian princes to Cordoba. There he also saw a huge crowd of young people—boys and girls— dancing and singing. Like a century before, one boy, he noticed, was sitting alone and impetuously weeping. The spy asked him, “Why do you weep? What has happened to you? Who has offended you?” “Oh, nobody can help me,” was the reply, “my fiancée is going to marry my brother.” All became clear for the spy, who returned with convincing advice—the time was ripe for a decisive attack. The Muslims of Cordoba had lost their faith; the young had become decadent, caring only about pleasure and the boys were weeping like girls. In contradistinction to the CIA or MI 6 (British Secret Service) conclusions regarding Iraqi weapons of mass destruction or whether the Iraqis would welcome or resist their liberators (most of them probably welcomed the overthrow of Saddam Hussein but hated being liberated by outsiders who, moreover, did not leave after the mission was accomplished), the conclusions of this spy were right. Thus, the Caliphate of Cordoba fell—not thanks to the increased strength of the Christian rulers but instead, due to the internal rottenness of the Moorish society.2 Although disagreeing with Musurkul on many fundamental issues, some of his controversial observations are not completely without foundation. For example, exclusive emphasis on respect for rights and liberalism may have, as a side effect, a tendency toward softening one’s toughness and decisiveness. However, in a world that (notwithstanding all the progress achieved in the domain of human rights and democracy in some parts of the world) is still quite bloody and barbaric, one often needs to make tough and even unpleasant decisions. Here it is difficult to disagree with Etzioni’s (2004) analysis that the world, with some significant exceptions, is even today “in a Hobbesian state and is not ready for a Lockean one” (p. 116). And although the West may indeed, and I hope it will, show to the rest of the world how many things, including respecting human rights, can be done, there are signs of Western, especially Western European, weakness in the face of multiple challenges.3 Of course, these signs of weakness are themselves side effects of Western strengths, but one should try to recognize and avoid as far as possible such side effects. How can a person or society as a whole be kind and tough, merciful and merciless, depending on circumstances and needs? This question is especially topical when we deal with the scourge of the 21st century: terrorism. Notwithstanding our deep differences and sometimes-frenzied exchanges of remarks, Musurkul and I retained mutual respect. That is why I said to Musurkul that Rudyard Kipling (1994) was, probably, wrong when he wrote, “Oh East is East, and West is West, and never the Twain shall meet, / Till Earth and Sky stand presently at God’s great Judgment Seat” (p. 65). “No,” responded Musurkul, Kipling was right, but I had stopped short of reading the next phrase of the poem: “But there is neither East nor West, Border, nor Breed, nor Birth, / When two strong men stand face to face, tho’they come from the ends of the earth!” (p. 65). Naturally for Musurkul, I believe for Kipling too, only when two strong men Downloaded from abs.sagepub.com by guest on March 4, 2012 Müllerson / FALSE DILEMMA 1631 meet, not strong women—an obvious oxymoron from their point of view— there will be neither East nor West. In that respect too our differences stayed. I believe in the possibility of giving a modern, not a fundamentalist or literal, interpretation to Kipling’s (1994) “The Ballad of East and West.” “There is neither East nor West, Border, nor Breed, nor Birth” for all men and women who are strong enough to overcome their religious, racial, or ethnic prejudices and associate themselves with not only their tribe or faith but also the whole of humankind. Of course, for Musurkul, such a reinterpretation of Kipling—changing the meaning depending on the context and time (called ijtihad in Islam) contains seeds of heresy. It would be a slippery slope: One who starts modifying and modernizing Kipling may well also end up reinterpreting the holy book. Here, too, our differences are deep; I believe that one has to overcome the fear of “slippery slopes.” Social progress is often, if not in most cases, made on slippery slopes. It has often been necessary for human beings to walk slippery slopes, to negotiate a midway between various extremes, such as between Scylla of unbridled liberalism and Charybdis of authoritarianism; between unbounded permissiveness and all-embracing state (social) control. For example, the idea of introducing ID cards in Britain is considered by many as taking a slippery slope that may, or is even bound to, lead to the severe limitation of civil liberties. However, this may be a necessary, or even an inevitable, step to be taken not only to fight terrorism but also to cope with, for example, social security fraud. Of course, there may be a danger for civil liberties, but this means that there should be an effective control to see to it that this potential slippery slope does not lead to unnecessary restrictions of civil liberties; this should not mean that one should not take this risky road. The more advanced and sophisticated a society becomes, the more it will face such slippery slopes. For Western societies, the need to introduce certain elements of communitarianism and social responsibility may necessitate stepping on a slippery slope that indeed has the potential of leading to restriction of individual liberties. But for many Eastern societies, the introduction of liberal values may well be seen as stepping on a slippery slope, leading toward permissiveness and moral degradation. These are indeed slippery slopes, but without taking them, societies, both Eastern and Western, will be unable to realize their potential. In the process of fighting terrorism, all societies face such slippery slopes. “FLATLAND” THINKING IN COMBATING TERRORISM The current debate about terrorism and responses to it has revealed a dichotomy (sometimes almost an abyss) in thinking and acting between the hawks and the doves, between the Left and the Right, between the liberals and the conservatives, between human rights activists and military (and some political) leaders. Here, I am speaking not of a natural chasm between the mentality and behavior Downloaded from abs.sagepub.com by guest on March 4, 2012 1632 AMERICAN BEHAVIORAL SCIENTIST of terrorists and their supporters on one hand and those who reject terror tactics on the other. It is about those who at least in principle denounce terrorism. This division is reflected in approaches to issues of how to combat crime, including the crime of terror, and how to deal with other forms of antisocial behavior. The doves (liberals) speak of changing social, economic, or political conditions that they say are to be blamed for high crime rates or terrorism, whereas the hawks (conservatives) call for zero tolerance, longer prison terms, or wider use of the death penalty. As American philosopher Ken Wilber (2001) wrote, Liberals tend to believe in exterior causes, whereas conservatives tend to believe in interior causes. That is, if an individual is suffering, the typical liberal tends to blame external social institutions (if you are poor it is because you are oppressed by society), whereas the typical conservative tends to blame internal factors (you are poor because you are lazy). (p. 84) In regard to the issue of fighting terrorism, this dichotomy is expressed in answers to questions concerning whether to pursue terrorists vigorously, to have them caught, using all necessary means, dead or alive, or as Etzioni (2004) also stated, whether to “drain the swamp” (i.e., to deal with what some call root causes of terrorism, e.g., poverty, social inequality, injustice in various forms or religious fundamentalism, and extremism). What are the so-called root causes of terrorism? How can we guarantee security in a liberal society without sacrificing human rights? These are not always easy questions, and sometimes there may be real dilemmas in the sense that by choosing one option, we may foreclose other choices. Often, however, this is not the case, and even when choices have to be made, they need not always be dictated by the same set of concerns (e.g., either exclusively by humanitarian concerns or exclusively by security rationale). When we listen to or read what, for example, Benjamin Netanyahu (2001) has said or written about terrorism, or what some Amnesty International representatives and many other human rights activists tell us about these issues, one may feel frustrated by the simplicity and simplemindedness of the former and by the sophistication of nice recipes of the latter that, however, have little practical relevance in our imperfect world. Those who are tough on crime, on terrorism, on “rogue” states and on other such things, seem to see any talk about human rights, even economic assistance and state building or other similar issues, at best as an annoyance or at worst as pouring water on the mill of terror.4 On the other hand, human rights activists, leftist liberals, and sophisticated academics often seem to be blind to real life’s hard choices. The former Prime Minister of Israel Ehud Barak (2002), in analyzing the September 11 attacks, wrote, Downloaded from abs.sagepub.com by guest on March 4, 2012 Müllerson / FALSE DILEMMA 1633 This kind of terror cannot be defeated without determined patience, strategic goals and tactical flexibility. You have to think and act, not by the book, but “out of the box”: open-eyed, your mind free from any dogma or conventional wisdom. The approach must be systematic: intensive worldwide intelligence-gathering; a wide operational and logistical deployment; economic sanctions and no softness in applying them; diplomatic ultimatums and no backing down from them. (p. 93) Beyond this, wrote Barak, a systematic battle will require fully streamlined immigration rules and procedures, internationally coordinated antimoney-laundering legislation, and also important, the reassessment of generations-old American practice, which did not allow preemptive strikes against terrorists and terror operatives (p. 93). All these measures are important and necessary to fight terrorists, but are they sufficient? As the experiences of many countries show, including the British policies in Northern Ireland, military and law-enforcement measures clearly are not sufficient. It is futile and even counterproductive to use only such measures in the war against terrorism. As Professor Lawrence Freedman (2002) observed, “If raids failed to differentiate between the guilty, the half-committed and the innocent then the main result would be to generate many new recruits and supporters” (p. 40). If Barak were only a former general, it would be possible to understand his exclusive attention to military and law-enforcement measures. But Barak was also prime minister of a country that constantly faced terrorist attacks. For a politician, such one-sidedness and single-mindedness may be fatal. And this is Ehud Barak and not Benjamin Netanyahu, whose views on terrorism are much more simpleminded.5 However, the other side does not come out any better. Daniel Warner (2001), the acting Secretary General of the Institute of International Studies in Geneva, for example, wrote, But what is terrorism? It is the activity of dispossessed, the voiceless, in a radically asymmetrical distribution of power. . . . Terrorism has causes. Growth in inequalities of wealth and lack of political access lead to frustration, which eventually leads to aggression, violence and terrorism. The greater the levels of frustration, the greater the levels of violence. The higher the levels of repression, the higher the levels of reaction. (p. 11) This is a liberal approach to terrorism. Is it wrong? Although there is certainly some truth in this approach, such a view is also one-sided and even naive. Moreover, it is not only useless to argue about the causes or roots of terrorism, but because there are deeply entrenched different and even opposite views on this issue, it is also worthless, for in social life generally it is impossible to distinguish clearly between causes or circumstances conducive to and pretexts or justifications for various phenomena, including terrorism. “To a Western observer,” wrote Bernard Lewis (2002), Downloaded from abs.sagepub.com by guest on March 4, 2012 1634 AMERICAN BEHAVIORAL SCIENTIST schooled in the theory and practice of Western freedom, it is precisely the lack of freedom—freedom of the mind from constraint and indoctrination, to question and inquire and speak; freedom of the economy from corrupt and pervasive mismanagement; freedom of women from male oppression; freedom of citizens from tyranny—that underlies so many of the troubles of the Muslim world. But the road to democracy, as the Western experience amply demonstrates, is long and hard, full of pitfalls and obstacles. (p. 289) Thomas Friedman (2001) observed that “the anti-terror coalition has to understand what this war is about. It is not fighting to eradicate ‘terrorism.’ Terrorism is just a tool. It is fighting to defeat an ideology: Religious totalitarianism” (p. 7). The question of whether religious totalitarianism is a cause (the main or just one of the causes) of terrorism or whether it belongs to the category of circumstances conducive to terrorism is beside the point. It certainly is a factor that is closely linked to terrorism, especially to its modern version. However, for many a Western liberal, it is not religious totalitarianism in some Third World countries but rather, the policies of Western liberal-democracies in and toward Third World countries that are root causes of terrorism. Real-life situations vary so much that to call any one of these approaches— the hawkish or the doveish (or liberal or conservative, for that matter)—the only and universal recipe for all circumstances, is bound to fail. Wilber (2001) called both of these approaches “flatland” thinking and acting: “Truly integral politics would . . . equally encourage both interior development and exterior development—the growth and development of consciousness and subjective wellbeing, as well as the growth and development of economic, social, and material well-being” (p. 88). Therefore, a pathway that Etzioni (2004) laid “between the might-makes-right course, a Jacksonian version of neo-conservative international relations, and the consensus-makes-might hyper-liberal course, which presumes that a new order can and should be based on international law and institutions and multilateral commitments” (p. 2), is rather appealing when looking at how to combat terrorism. What seems difficult, if not impossible, for many is to be hawkish and doveish depending on circumstances and needs. Poverty, repression, inequality, and religious intolerance are all factors that may contribute to the emergence and flourishing of terrorism. However, not all the poor or oppressed are terrorists, and most of the terrorists are not at all poor and oppressed. Therefore, there should not be the following dilemma: Whether to concentrate on changing the conditions that may be conducive to terrorism (e.g., poverty, discrimination, denial of self-determination, religious totalitarianism) or to respond forcefully to acts of terror. This is a false dilemma, one between the Left (liberals, doves) who see all the problems arising from external factors and the Right (conservatives, hawks) who blame only internal factors— the mindset of perpetrators of criminal acts. Addressing both factors is equally important and necessary. Responses to terrorism should involve a variety of methods; they should address all the causes and conditions favorable to its emergence and development. As Audrey Cronin (2001) wrote, “The United States, Downloaded from abs.sagepub.com by guest on March 4, 2012 Müllerson / FALSE DILEMMA 1635 working in tandem with key allies from the UK to Japan, must disable the enabling environment of terrorism” (p. 133). However, one should not renounce the use of military and/or law-enforcement measures against terrorists and their accomplices. Etzioni (2004) is right that “there is no way to appease a fundamentalist” (pp. 65-66). It is equally impossible and even dangerous to try to appease a terrorist and it is hopeless to try to meet their demands6 while believing that that could put an end to terrorism. Terrorists usually understand only strength and power even if they do not necessarily respect or even if they hate that power. What is always certain is that terrorists despise weakness and they see it in every concession and moderation. When people ask whether it is possible (or necessary) to negotiate with terrorists they should also ask, Negotiate on what? If it is about releasing hostages or otherwise saving lives it is necessary to talk as long as it takes. Political concessions, on the other hand, are counterproductive and should be generally avoided, although on this difficult and sensitive issue, it is difficult to be absolutist. However, it would be wise to acknowledge that negotiations with terrorists are not like any other negotiations where “gentlemen’s agreements” apply; a word or promise given to terrorists is not binding. For example, in extreme circumstances to save lives, one may even agree to pay a ransom—but then one should do everything possible not only to return the ransom but also to get the terrorists, dead or alive. Successful domestic societies try to lower the crime rate by using both criminal justice methods and social programs. In a similar manner, in international society it would be inadequate to resort to only one category of measures. Conditions conducive to terrorism have to be addressed and terrorists as well as those who assist and support them have to be arrested and tried; or depending on the circumstances, military force, as a necessary measure of self-defense or collective security, may be used against them. Combating terrorism without addressing circumstances conducive to the rise of terrorism will be in most cases simply a Sisyphean toil. As Dmitri Trenin (2002), writing on the future place and role of Russia in the world and referring, inter alia, to the Russian problems with Islamic militants, observed, There is no acceptable alternative to fighting Islamic terrorism. At the same time, cultural and humanitarian dialogue across that divide is a must, and the development of economic links, including new communications along both East-West and North-South axes [sic], is one of the few instruments available to encourage modernization and help resolve or manage the various conflicts. (p. 196) SEPARATING POLITICS AND TERRORISM I have to acknowledge that the topic of this article was, at least partly, dictated by the timing of the proposal to contribute to this issue of American Behavioral Scientist. Being on sabbatical from London University and repre- Downloaded from abs.sagepub.com by guest on March 4, 2012 1636 AMERICAN BEHAVIORAL SCIENTIST senting the United Nations on human rights in Central Asia (which is not free from terrorist threats) I received the letter from the journal later than it was intended—September 3, 2004—the day the terrorist attack on more than a 1,000 children, parents, and teachers in the small North Ossetian town of Beslan came to a bloody end. After 9/11, I had also put aside some theoretical topics that I usually like to reflect on because I believe the capacity to reflect on abstract issues and philosophize is one of the most, if not the most, important characteristics that distinguishes humans from all the other living species. However, like 9/11, or even more than 9/11 (because in September 2004 these were children who were specifically targeted), did 9/3 show that humans not only might be able to ascend above the rest but also descend to levels of inhumanity that no animal could ever reach. The Russian 9/3, which came almost exactly 3 years after the American 9/11 tragedy, will if not change the world the way 9/11 did, certainly have an impact far beyond Russia. The magnitude of the crime and the fact that children were specifically targeted singles this crime out of the chain of terrorist attacks against Russia. Reflecting on 9/3, I am worried by the emphasis on the link that has been made by many experts and commentators between the killing of hundreds of schoolchildren and the need to find a political, not military, solution to the conflict in Chechnya. It is hardly possible to deny that such a link really exists, that the whole bloody history of Chechnya from the first half of the 19th century to Stalinist purges and to Yeltsin’s and Putin’s wars, with their massive human rights violations by all sides, forms a context for the Beslan crime. However, often exaggerating a linkage between two or more issues simply creates an impasse that is used (or abused) by those who do not want to find any solution to the problem. It goes almost without saying that political crises, historical wrongs, or ongoing oppression, poverty, and many other negative factors are conducive to terrorism and create conditions in which terrorists can flourish and even be considered martyrs or heroes. However, no political or other motives should play any role in the assessment of the behavior of terrorists. Not all oppressed and poor kill children. In violent conflicts, terrorists, who are often “natural born killers,” find circumstances in which their instincts and inclinations are able to flourish. There is no justification for inhumane acts carried out by or on behalf of Chechnya— whatever Russia does in this country. At the same time, there is no justification for Russia not doing her utmost to find a political solution for the conflict in Chechnya and especially for not putting an end to egregious violations of humanitarian law by its troops and the Chechen security forces loyal to the Kremlin, whatever the Chechen or international terrorists do. Political issues have to be separated from terrorism. The same applies to other conflicts: Israel should evacuate its settlements in the occupied territories notwithstanding what the Palestinians do, and the Palestinian groups must unconditionally stop all terrorist acts even if Israel does not end the occupation of Palestinian territories. Downloaded from abs.sagepub.com by guest on March 4, 2012 Müllerson / FALSE DILEMMA 1637 Political solutions should not be held hostage to terrorist acts and terrorist acts should not be justified or even explained (sometimes the borderline between understanding and justifying is too fine to be noticed) by references to the lack of political solutions. Claiming that America brought 9/11 on itself, or declaring that Russian authorities are responsible for terrorist attacks against Russian children, or asking the Russian government to explain how this tragedy could have happened are not only insensitive but also shift responsibility from terrorists to others—whoever they may be. Such attitudes toward terrorism are reminiscent of the age-old argument that one man’s terrorist is another man’s freedom fighter. The only way to overcome the impasse of this argument is to separate means from aims, methods used from the objectives that they are allegedly, or in reality, meant to achieve. Although terrorism by definition (I think, however, that this definition is not always correct) has political aims, the world community has already started to decouple terrorism from politics. In extradition treaties, terrorist acts are considered extraditable crimes rather than political offences; special antiterrorist conventions, for instance on hijacking, also provide that these crimes shall be made extraditable. Now it is necessary to decouple further the means from the ends (terrorism from politics), especially because inhumane means have the tendency to confuse completely means and ends. In the case of a tragedy of the scale of Beslan, where schoolchildren and mothers with babies were not what in the insensitive legal language is called “collateral damage” but rather were the immediate targets (wider targets being the Russian and the world society as a whole), one emphasizes the need for political settlement—not only the hearts but also the minds of these people are in the wrong place. The correct approach seems to have been taken by White House spokesman Richard Boucher, who at a September 2, 2004, press briefing stated that “we don’t link the political settlement [with Chechen separatists] with acts of terror. We’re absolutely firm condemning these acts of terror and standing with the Russian government in fighting terrorism” (Torbakov, 2004, para. 4). However, many Western commentators, even at the time when the terrorists were still holding the children at the school in Beslan, did not emphasize the need to do everything to save the children, the inhumanity of the terrorists, and the necessity to fight them by all means available. They blamed the Russian leadership for its policy in Chechnya and accused it of bringing this tragedy on the Russian people. It was not surprising that many Russian newspapers singled out this aspect of the Western media coverage of this terrorist attack against Russia. At the same time, quite a few Russian commentators still see the world in the cold war context as a conflict between the United States and Russia, where Washington is using international (Islamic) terrorism in continuing to dismember what is left over from the former USSR—Russia. I quote from one of the most popular Russian newspapers, Argumenty i Fakty (Arguments and Facts), in the first issue published after the terrorist attack on the school in Beslan. Political scientist Stanislav Belkovskii stated that Downloaded from abs.sagepub.com by guest on March 4, 2012 1638 AMERICAN BEHAVIORAL SCIENTIST international terrorism is a creature of the United States. It is a result of the unipolar world established in the 1990s and of the crisis of liberalism because Washington is using this international terrorism to finish with the failed liberal project at home and justify the American dominance in the world. (“The Beslan Tragedy,” 2004, p. 2) Alexander Dugin, the leader of the Eurasia movement, observed that “‘al Qaeda’ and ‘international terrorism,’ as a whole, are not more than instruments. The roots of the evil have to be sought amongst those who order the music and not amongst the perpetrators” (“The Beslan Tragedy,” 2004, p. 2). And of course, the whole tonality of the article leaves no doubt that it is Washington that composes the tune. Finally, political scientist Sergei Kurginyan argued that “Islamic terrorism is not a subject but a tool. Whose tool is it? It is a tool of the radical rearrangement of the world that cannot be carried out without the collapse of Russia” (“The Beslan Tragedy,” 2004, p. 2). Terrorism usually is indeed a tool to attain certain political aims, although it seems that for many terrorists it becomes the only modus vivendi and looses any other purpose. But this article too leaves no doubt that this tool is used by America against Russia. Unfortunately, such conspiracy theories are widespread in Russia. Even Deputy Head of the Presidential Administration of Russia Vladislav Surkov, answering the question regarding who may benefit from the terrorist attacks against Russia, spoke of certain decision makers in America, Europe, and the East who cannot get rid of cold war phobias and, therefore, continue to see Russia as a potential adversary. According to Surkov, their aim is the collapse of Russia and the emergence in its stead of many nonviable quasi states (Komsomol’skaya Pravda, 2004, p. 10). Perceptions may be wrong, but they are able to influence reality. The search for political solutions to any crisis, especially if such a crisis may lead or has already led to violence, must go on—terrorism or not, although it is true that acts of terror make finding a political solution more difficult and they may even foreclose certain solutions. Today, for example, independence for Chechnya is certainly not in the cards. Moreover, it is necessary to remember not only Russia’s historical and contemporary injustices but also that twice within the past 12 years—from 1991 to 1994 and from 1996 to 1999—Chechnya was de facto, although not de jure, independent. Nothing good came out of it. Chechnya became a lawless entity and a breeding ground for international terrorists. No doubt, Russia has to use all possible means to try to find a political solution to the Chechen crisis; there is no doubt that a military option would not resolve the crisis. However, it is equally true that terrorists themselves do not speak the language of politics. Terrorism should not bring any benefits (although unfortunately it too often does) to terrorists or to their alleged causes. And there is finally the last, but not the least, important point. When I saw Mr. Ahmed Zakayev, the former Chechen field commander, who in 2003 was granted political asylum in Great Britain, lying on television that there were no Chechens among the terrorists in Beslan or that there were no foreign fighters in Downloaded from abs.sagepub.com by guest on March 4, 2012 Müllerson / FALSE DILEMMA 1639 Chechnya, I recalled what then Iranian Vice-President Mohammad Ali Abtahi (2004) said at the Dialogue of Cultures or Clash of Civilizations Conference in Kyrgyzstan: “I suffer more from the fact that terrorists are using Islam trying to justify their acts than from the cruelty of the Americans in Iraq.” I was not the only one who applauded him. Only when a substantial number of people feel more about wrongs committed allegedly on their behalf, in the name of their country or religion, than against them is there hope that interethnic and interreligious conflicts and tensions will be resolved through peaceful means. It is difficult to achieve such a change of people’s mindsets. It would be even contrary to natural group instincts that all human communities have worked out during the millennia of their development. This is why Ernest Gellner (1983) wrote that the political effectiveness of national [I would add: or religious] sentiment would be much impaired if nationalists [or religious extremists] had as fine sensibility to the wrongs committed by their nation [or by their coreligionists] as they have to those committed against it. (p. 2) Be that as difficult as it may seem, but without suppressing and overcoming this pseudopatriotic instinct, there is little hope that we would have a more peaceful world community. Fortunately, there are signs that there are more and more people who feel ashamed by wrongs done by or on behalf of the groups they belong to. This may be one of the symptoms indicating that more and more people are identifying themselves not only with their ethnic or religious kinsmen but also with humankind as a whole. Is not this one of the manifestations of communitarian tendencies in the world? TERRORISM AND FAITH A link between terrorism and faith is not accidental. Terrorists are usually ardent believers, not necessarily religious believers (Lenin and Stalin were indeed atheists), but believers in a superior, transcendental cause (even in the case of atheists). Whether it is religious martyrdom or sacrificing oneself for a revolutionary cause, it is all done not for this life here and now but rather, for the sake of some ideal in a distant future or in a different world. A violent criminal without a transcendental cause is only a serial killer, hardly a terrorist. As Alexander Solzhenitsyn (1974) wrote in The Gulag Archipelago, Macbeth’s self-justifications were feeble—and his conscience devoured him. Yes, even Iago was a little lamb too. The imagination and the spiritual strength of Shakespeare’s evildoers stopped short at a dozen corpses. Because they had no ideology. Ideology—that is what gives evildoing its long-sought justification and gives the evildoer the necessary steadfastness and determination. . . . That is how the agents of the Inquisition fortified their wills: By invoking Christianity; the conquerors of foreign lands, by extolling the grandeur of their Motherland; the Downloaded from abs.sagepub.com by guest on March 4, 2012 1640 AMERICAN BEHAVIORAL SCIENTIST colonizers, by civilization; the Nazis, by race; and the Jacobins (early and late), by equality, brotherhood, and the happiness of future generations. (pp. 173-174) This list may go on and on. Steven Pinker (2002) noted that “the recurrence of evil acts committed in the name of God shows that they are not random perversions” (p. 189). Today, many use mantras such as “Islam is a peaceful religion,” or “Christianity is a peaceful religion,” or “Judaism is a peaceful religion”; but from where, then, did the Inquisition come or the conquest by Arab Muslims of adjacent as well as faraway territories? “The sad but unavoidable fact is that Islam, like Christianity and Judaism, has both temperate and virulent strands,” observed Etzioni (2002b): Christianity in earlier ages not only had an inquisition—but also those who justified it in religious terms. The Church supported the mass torture and murder that took place during military dictatorships in Argentina, deeming them necessary to “excise the cancer of communism.” The terrorism in Northern Ireland has religious roots, and Operation Rescue claims religious justifications. Militant Judaism not merely claims the right to the West Bank and finds scriptural support for a still Greater Israel, but also blessed those who assassinated Yitzhak Rabin, the peacemaker. Similarly, to equate Islam with peace, to consider it inherently moderate is to blind oneself—or to try to pull the wool over others’ eyes—about the same facts. (p. 30) Are only atheists guilty of genocide? Sometimes people even try to pass off somebody who is good and prominent as a convert to their religion, whereas evil personalities are denied any religious affiliation. For example, there have been widespread rumors that Jacques Ives Cousteau, having discovered that the waters of the Atlantic Ocean and the Mediterranean do not mix and having been told by a Muslim scholar that there is nothing new in it because it had been said in the Koran, had converted to Islam (Answering-Islam, n.d.). However, Cousteau’s farewell after his death June 25, 1997, was held in Notre Dame Cathedral in Paris; and the Cousteau Foundation, as early as 1991, had already declared, “We state precisely to you that Commander Cousteau has not become Muslim and that this rumour passes around without foundation” (as quoted in Answering-Islam, n.d.). At the same time, it is only natural that few people would like to be associated with Adolf Hitler, to recognize him as their coreligionist, hence, a widespread myth that Hitler was an atheist and that this may have contributed to his horrendous crimes. But one should read Hitler’s (1999) Mein Kampf to see that he was not an atheist. There, Hitler was clear about religion: “Hence today I believe that I am acting in accordance with the will of the Almighty Creator: By defending myself against the Jew, I am fighting for the work of the Lord” (p. 65). There are many such references in Mein Kampf as well as in numerous Hitler speeches. Hitler was, as Pinker wrote, “A moralist (indeed, a moral vegetarian) who, by most accounts, was convinced of the Downloaded from abs.sagepub.com by guest on March 4, 2012 Müllerson / FALSE DILEMMA 1641 rectitude of his cause” (p. 280). The “doctor death” of the Auschwitz concentration camp, Joseph Mengele, was a devout Catholic. Ian Buruma (2000) concluded, “This shows once again that true believers can be more dangerous than cynical operators. The latter may cut a deal; the former have to go to the end— and drag the world down with them” (p. 13). All religions have always had, and many still have, this totalitarian exclusivist trend. As Hamid Enayat (1982) has written, “If Islam comes into conflict with certain postulates of democracy it is because of its general character as a religion. . . . An intrinsic concomitant of democracy . . . involves a challenge to many a sacred axiom” (p. 126). And Rabbi David Hartman (as quoted in Enayat, 1982) wrote, “All faiths that come out of the biblical tradition—Judaism, Christianity and Islam—have the tendency to believe that they have the exclusive truth” (p. 126). However, in contradistinction to Christianity, Islam has not gone through what Francis Fukuyama (1995, p. 41) has called the Protestantization of Catholicism or the secularization of religious worldviews. Bassam Tibi (1998) wrote, In the Middle East as well as in other parts of the World of Islam, there has never been a process of structural change underlying a substantive shift in worldview from a religious one to a secular one, as did occur in the historical process that took place in Europe. Given the community and dominance of the Muslim’s worldview there has never been a genuine process of secularisation in the Middle East underlain by secular ideologies. (p. 97) Secularization of religious worldview has helped Western societies to change (modernize) in response to natural and social challenges. It is often (maybe too often) reiterated that Islam, in contradistinction to Christianity, does not differentiate between Caesar’s and God’s domains and, therefore, Muslim societies cannot be secular. However, such assertions seem to exaggerate the differences between these religions. First, not all Christian societies have always made such distinctions. Secondly, the development of some Muslim societies (e.g., Turkey, Malaysia, and today’s Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan in Central Asia) shows that in that respect too, Islam is much less rigid than some of its adherents, as well as its opponents, want us to believe. Here also there are signs of rapprochement between the East and the West. That Islam and secularism are not incompatible has recently been confirmed by the Iraqi Kurds’ stance on the issue. Jalal Talabani, the leader of the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan and the Iraqi president said, “We will never accept any religious government in Iraq. Never. This is a red line for us. We will never live inside an Islamic Iraq. Islam is our religion. . . . The Islamic identity of Iraqi people must be respected, but not an Islamic government” (Loyd, 2005, para. 17). And it is not a non-Islamic minority in an Islamic society that is advocating secular government but instead, a Muslim minority whose brand of Islam (Sunni) and ethnic origin are different from the majority of the population (Shia Arabs). Downloaded from abs.sagepub.com by guest on March 4, 2012 1642 AMERICAN BEHAVIORAL SCIENTIST Back to basics is never an adequate response to new challenges, and only by adequately responding to constant challenges are societies able to develop and flourish. Modernization, including democratization; development of human rights, including freedom of expression; and equality between sexes is a conditio sine qua non of development of Islamic and other societies in the socalled developing world. Karim Raslan (2001), a Malaysian lawyer, wrote that the moral bankruptcy of militant Islam as embodied by the Taliban, as well as its abject failure in socio-economic terms, should embolden the leaders of moderate, predominantly Muslim nations such as Turkey, Indonesia and Malaysia in their struggle against religious obscurantism and backwardness. Needless to say, Saudi Arabia, as an absolute monarchy with no concern for civil liberties, does not constitute a model Islamic polity. (p. 8) Raslan also correctly pointed out that reforms must be driven from within the Islamic world. However, I am doubtful whether those Islamic scholars who, as Raslan wrote, try to “extract the prophetic truths from the Koran to show the inherent compatibility of modern-day concerns with sacred texts” (p. 8) can do what Christian scholars failed in doing. Tibi (1998) has written that the predicament of Islamic fundamentalists vis-à-vis modernity has in fact become an expression of their ambiguity: on the one hand they seek to accommodate instrumentally all or most of the material achievements of modernity (that is, science and technology) into Islamic civilisation; on the other hand, they reject vehemently the adoption of the man-centred rationality that has made these achievements possible. (p. 118) As a result, we have postmodern weapons in premodern hands. The strongest criticism of Islam’s problems by an influential Islamic leader came from then Prime Minister of Malaysia Muhammad Mahatir (2003) in his opening speech to the 10th session of the Islamic Summit in Putrajaya, the administrative capital of Malaysia. Although his speech is unfortunately better known for its traditional anti-Semitic and anti-Israeli diatribes, its originality and emphasis is on the need for Muslims not only to unite but also to learn, and learn first of all from Jews, to be creative, not to be concerned with forms but with the substance of Islam, and to recognize that times have changed since the 7th century A.D. and there is no way of going back to those times while at the same time hoping to compete successfully in the modern world. TERRORISM AND HUMAN RIGHTS Terrorism has an inverse relationship with democracy and human rights, although terrorism may be one of the pitfalls on the road to the rapid democratization and liberalization of closed, traditional, or authoritarian societies. Even Downloaded from abs.sagepub.com by guest on March 4, 2012 Müllerson / FALSE DILEMMA 1643 governments of countries that have experience with democratic institutions and liberal traditions have had difficulties fighting terrorism with clean hands. It is not accidental that most cases before the European Commission and Court of Human Rights, where Great Britain was found in breach of the European Convention on Human Rights, were related to the fight against terrorism in Northern Ireland. The British experience in that part of the United Kingdom may serve as an example of both what one should not do while fighting terrorism and especially since the Good Friday Agreement of 1998, what may work in even the seemingly most intractable of situations. What certainly did not work and was counterproductive were measures such as internment and inhuman treatment of prisoners—measures that were found by the European institutions to be contrary to European human rights standards. Where the shoots of democracy and human rights are fragile or absent altogether, authoritarian rulers can even benefit from terrorism that is ostensibly directed against them. The absence of economic reforms and the suppression of civil and political rights can be masked as a war against terrorism, especially a war against international terrorism, because no authority admits that terrorism may have domestic causes and, thus, that they face homegrown terrorism. At the same time, wrong also are those wellmeaning human rights advocates who neglect the reality or diminish the danger of terrorism, especially religiously motivated terrorism, which has indeed evolved into a loose worldwide network, a kind of terrorist international. I am one of those, probably not so many, human rights experts who would agree with Etzioni (2004) that “the recognition that the first duty of the state is to provide security to its people fully applies to the evolving international community” (p. 117). From this follows, especially today when terrorists are attacking all kinds of societies from the most liberal to the quite authoritarian (only the most authoritarian such as North Korea or the Stalinist Soviet Union of years back seem to be free from terrorism; but is there indeed only a choice between private and state terrorism?), that human rights defenders and all liberals have to recognize that security from terrorist attacks is one of the priorities of many governments. If we do not recognize this, our voices will not be heard by governments and most sad, most of the people in many societies that experience the urgent need for democratization and liberalization will not understand us either. Only by being a hawk vis-à-vis terrorists can one also be a dove whose voice on human rights issues may be heard. Only by recognizing that terrorist attacks are the most egregious human rights violations that not only deserve but also often cry out for tough responses can we responsibly request that these responses be carried out within the rule-of-law framework without unnecessarily restricting human rights. Etzioni (2004) observed that those societies that have given up on their strongly “Eastern” sets of beliefs and regimes and have moved sharply in the individualistic direction, but have formed Downloaded from abs.sagepub.com by guest on March 4, 2012 1644 AMERICAN BEHAVIORAL SCIENTIST few if any new shared sets of beliefs, experience sharp increases in anti-social behaviour. (p. 23) The sudden and unprepared introduction of liberal reforms in countries like Russia has indeed led to chaos that has resulted in nostalgia for order (poryadok in Russian and ordnung in German have been the words used to tighten the screws). After the Beslan tragedy, when President Putin introduced a series of antidemocratic and antiliberal political reforms, critical comments by Russian liberals, including the Russian Human Rights ombudsman Vladimir Lukin, sounded very much like lone voices crying out in the wilderness. This process can be observed in many, if not in most (the Baltic countries being the only clear exceptions), post-Soviet states. Gorbachev’s reforms were enthusiastically welcomed by many Soviets who were fed up with the order that had its roots in Leninism-Stalinism and that had brought immense suffering to the people. I remember well how the population of Moscow, in March 1989 in the elections for the Congress of Peoples Deputies, voted for Boris Yeltsin (approximately 90% of the Moscovites cast their vote for him). This amazing result was a protest vote because Yeltsin was persecuted by Gorbachev, and most of the mass media, following the lead, was mud flinging at Yeltsin. People were fed up with having been told whom to respect and whom to denounce and, therefore, they voted for Yeltsin (in the Soviet mission to the United Nations in New York where, as a then member of the UN Human Rights Committee, I cast my vote, the result was 95% for Yeltsin, this notwithstanding—or due to—the fact that the diplomats were told in no uncertain terms to guarantee an antiYeltsin result). This was a vote for freedom, against order. People were fed up with the existing order; they were missing freedom. Today the situation is different. Unprepared, not-thought-through, and poorly administered liberal economic and political reforms not only destabilized the country but also discredited the very ideas of democracy and human rights. Now many people are nostalgic for order, and most people in Russia unfortunately support Putin’s reforms of “strengthening the vertical of power,” which has thrown Russia’s feeble democratic achievements back a long while at least. Of course, one can justifiably blame terrorists for this setback to democracy and human rights in Russia and also for the inability, or even unwillingness, of the Russian authorities to combat terrorism without unnecessarily restricting human rights. That is all true. However, liberals in Russia as well as their Western advisers should bear a part of the responsibility for that as well. The attempt to liberalize rapidly a totalitarian society with long authoritarian traditions (although with some active and well-educated liberal elements) created chaos and anarchy (there was little liberalism or democracy during Yeltsin’s term in office) that in turn, quickly transformed the yearning for freedom to nostalgia for order. Unfortunately, Russia’s sad experience is now serving well autocratic rulers in, say, Central Asia. Moreover, the threat of terrorism makes their Downloaded from abs.sagepub.com by guest on March 4, 2012 Müllerson / FALSE DILEMMA 1645 message of sacrificing freedom for the sake of order and safety acceptable to many people in post-Soviet societies and beyond. To draw the moral from this experience, it has to be emphasized that democratic and liberal reforms that many societies in the non-Western world need should be gradual and tailored to correspond to the characteristics of the society. The opening up of such societies, as Etzioni (2004) called for, may really be the first step in the long road toward a more liberal and democratic society. At the same time, it is necessary to distinguish clearly between genuine limitations that do not allow more rapid democratization and liberalization of society and the self-interests of political leaders and oligarchs who have vested interests in the absence of any change. FROM AFRICA TO THROUGHOUT THE WORLD AND BACK TO THE SAME BOAT? Having discussed the issue of terrorism in the context of human rights or vice versa, human rights in the context of the fight against terrorism, I would like to finish by attempting to present a wider panorama showing that, in a sense, humankind may indeed be in the process of completing a full circle: From a single community through the proliferation and diversification of communities toward the emergence of a community of communities that should and probably will become, in some respect, more and more similar to each other (i.e., the process of assimilation has replaced the process of dissimilation). Etzioni’s (2004) suggestion is well within this panorama and gives additional support to it: The world actually is moving towards a new synthesis between the West’s great respect for individual rights and choices and the East’s respect for social obligations (in a variety of ways, of course); between the West’s preoccupation with autonomy and the East’s preoccupation with social order; between Western legal and political egalitarianism and Eastern authoritarianism. (pp. 14-15) Luigi Luca Cavalli-Sforza (2000) wrote, “Modern humans appear first in Africa, then move to Asia, and from this big continent they settled its three appendices: Oceania, Europe and America” (p. 81). Cavalli-Sforza observed that in accordance with some estimates, “the date of the human-chimps separations was estimated about five million years ago, and the separation of Africans from non-Africans gave a date of 143,000 years ago using mtDNA results” (p. 131), whereas “a number of recent independent genetic dates place the beginning of expansion from Africa close to 50,000 years ago” (p. 131). Homo sapiens moved out of Africa, out of a community, or a few communities, of which we know next to nothing, presuming only that these were indeed very traditional communities without any autonomy enjoyed by their members. These Homo sapiens simply did not distinguish themselves from their communities as indi- Downloaded from abs.sagepub.com by guest on March 4, 2012 1646 AMERICAN BEHAVIORAL SCIENTIST viduals (and, therefore, probably they should not be called individuals). Alexis de Tocqueville (1856/1955) noted, That word “individualism”, which we have coined for our own requirements, was unknown to our ancestors, for the good reason that in their days every individual necessarily belonged to a group and no one could regard himself as an isolated unit. (p. 96) Gradually, during the course of many millennia, humans spread throughout the world, creating various communities, some of which became completely isolated from other communities and in the process of this proliferation, started to differ more and more from each other. Most of these communities have been closely knit traditional communities and only relatively recently have some of them become so individualistic that concerns have been raised regarding the weakening of societal bonds holding such communities together. However, today, for the expanding world population of almost 6.5 billion, the whole planet Earth has become smaller than Eastern Africa was for the first groups of Homo sapiens, and there are no hospitable, or even inhospitable, spaces without human traces. Although we retain the differences that we acquired during this long process of spreading throughout the world and conquering nature, in the new “global village,” practically all the peoples closely interact; and in this process of interaction, they exchange not only goods but also views and practices. Although cultural exchange and change are slower than is the spread of technological, economic, or political novelties, cultures are not immutable either. Pinker (2002) observed that preserving cultural diversity is considered a supreme virtue today, but the members of diverse cultures don’t always see it that way. People have wants and needs, and when cultures rub shoulders, people in one culture are bound to notice when their neighbours are satisfying those desires better than they are. When they do notice, history tells us, they shamelessly borrow whatever works best. Far from being self-preserving monoliths, cultures are porous and constantly in flux. (p. 66) Moreover, although during the millennia following the exodus from Africa the human race became gradually more and more different, it remained the human race and therefore it naturally retained characteristics that are common to all humans and to all human societies. Cultural relativists, emphasizing differences between societies (and they may be more or less right about the differences), fail to appreciate the commonalities. For example, Marcel Granet (1934) wrote that “attempts to express ancient Chinese thinking with English as an instrument would be worth making, even if they did no more than demonstrate the disaccord between the two methods of thought and language” (p. 9). Adda Bozeman (1971) was of the opinion that “ideas, even under the best of auspices, are not transferable in their authenticity, Downloaded from abs.sagepub.com by guest on March 4, 2012 Müllerson / FALSE DILEMMA 1647 and that reliable intercultural accords are therefore difficult to reach” and that “in the final analysis cultures are different because they are associated with different modes of thought” (p. 14). Professional translators, as well as those who speak several languages, know indeed how difficult it is to convey in another language the exact meaning of the original, to say nothing of the translation of metaphoric utterances. This observation is true not only in the case of, say, the Chinese or English languages. I even feel frustrated that I have to use one and the same language when writing this article because some thoughts can be better formulated not in English but in another language I know. But this is not surprising if we keep in mind that many languages developed in isolation. What is really surprising is that languages that have developed independently from each other have nevertheless so much in common that their bearers can communicate with each other. Is it not true, as Pinker (2002) wrote, that “universal mental mechanisms can underlie superficial variations across cultures” and that “all human languages can convey the same kinds of ideas” (p. 37)? Of course cultures differ. But the question is, How much do they differ? Do they differ to such an extent that their bearers cannot understand each other, to the extent that there cannot be any significant common elements in them? Anthropologists’ latest research shows that there is more in common between different cultures, even if these cultures have never had any post-African contacts with each other. Allow me to quote a lengthy passage from Pinker (2002): Some anthropologists have returned to an ethnographic record that used to trumpet differences among cultures and have found an astonishingly detailed set of aptitudes and tastes that all cultures have in common. This shared way of thinking, feeling, and living, and living makes us look like a single tribe, which the anthropologist Donald Brown has called the Universal People, after Chomsky’s Universal Grammar. Hundreds of traits, from fear of snakes to logical operators, from romantic love to humorous insults, from poetry to food taboos, from exchange of goods to mourning the dead, can be found in every society ever documented. It’s not that every universal behaviour directly reflects a universal component of human nature—many arise from the interplay between universal properties of the mind, universal properties of the body, and universal properties of the world. Nonetheless, the sheer richness and detail in the rendering of the Universal People comes as a shock to any intuition that the mind is a blank slate or that cultures can vary without limit, and that there is something on the list to refute almost any theory growing out of those intuitions. (p. 55) In the annex to his book, Pinker (pp. 435-439) reproduced Donald Brown’s list (five pages) of human universals that can be found in all cultures, even if they have not had any interactions. To name but a few: dance, cooking, coyness, death rituals, distinguishing right and wrong, envy, fears, gossip, music, preference for own children and next to kin, taboos, conflicts, conflict resolution, and so forth. Here I would like to emphasize three points. First, there is more in common between various communities because these are not simply communities of Downloaded from abs.sagepub.com by guest on March 4, 2012 1648 AMERICAN BEHAVIORAL SCIENTIST different species but all human communities. Like wolves remain wolves and wolf packs remain wolf packs, notwithstanding whether they inhabit the Asian steppes or Alaskan mountains (having, of course, depending on the climate, landscape and available food, different hunting habits), humans remain humans and human communities remain human communities notwithstanding where they live and what different characteristics—physical or cultural—they may have acquired in the process of their adaptation to the environment. As Walzer (1994) wrote, “Every human society is universal because it is human, particular because it is a society” (p. 8). Secondly, these human communities that became more and more different in the process of expansion from Africa are now becoming more similar due to increasing interactions between them. And finally, although there remain, and I am sure there will always remain, many differences between various communities, one has to differentiate also between these differences. The advocates of multiculturalism say that there is an inherent value in the rich tapestry of humankind. To a great extent that is true. Having different foods, music, national literatures and even languages7 immensely enriches us. However, not everything in this rich tapestry is of equal value, not all cultural traits deserve to be retained. Slavery, torture to extract confessions to be used as the surest evidence in court, xenophobia, and many similar things belong to the history of practically all peoples. Even today, the cultural traditions of many societies discriminate against women; in other societies, traditions, such as respect for the elderly, transform into genuflexion before authorities—big and small. Unfortunately, more than human rights, human wrongs are natural for human societies; or to put it otherwise, human nature contains both the capacity for good and for evil—they both are natural for human beings. As Pinker (2002) wrote, “Most activities that moral people extol—being faithful to one’s spouse, turning the other cheek, treating every child as precious, loving thy neighbor as thyself—are ‘biological errors’ and are utterly unnatural in the rest of the living world” (p. 164), and some faculties may endow us with greed or lust or malice, but others may endow us with sympathy, foresight, self-respect, a desire for respect from others, and the ability to learn from our own experiences and those of our neighbours. (p. 166) Consistent respect for and observance of human rights requires humans to rise above their nature, even to act against their nature and in this process, transform it. Can humans live closely together and remain as different as they have become in the process of the long journey from Africa? To an extent, the answer is yes. In the Ottoman Empire, there was a millet system in which persons belonging to different faiths lived side by side while maintaining their own laws and customs; the Europeans enjoyed a special status under the institute of capitulations in several “noncivilized” nations (see, e.g., Martens, 1873). Even today Downloaded from abs.sagepub.com by guest on March 4, 2012 Müllerson / FALSE DILEMMA 1649 in some large Western European cities, different ethnic, racial, and religious communities do not intermingle with each other, but this voluntary segregation is not so innocuous; it is already creating serious problems, even conflicts. The reports of different commissions in Britain that were created after the summer 2001 race riots in Bradford, Oldham, and Burnley blame “deep-rooted segregation which authorities had failed to address for generations” (“Race ‘Segregation’ Caused Riots,” 2001, para. 6). The reports conclude that “too many of our towns and cities lack any sense of civic identity or shared values” (“Race ‘Segregation’ Caused Riots,” 2001, para. 14), and they warn that “segregation, albeit self-segregation, is an unacceptable basis for a harmonious community and it will lead to more serious problems if it is not tackled” (“Race ‘Segregation’ Caused Riots,” 2001, para. 7). Of course, these disturbances were a result of the lack of integration within one country—Great Britain—where people of different cultures, religions, and ways of life live closely together. As a result of this segregation, they had (and still have) hugely differing levels of education, employment or unemployment rates, and life opportunities. It is not surprising that in such an ambience, frictions and conflicts arise. However, we may observe the same worldwide, where communities organized as sovereign states hugely differ as to their wealth, power, levels of education, health care, and many other indicators. It would not have mattered at all, or it would have mattered much less, had not these communities become so interdependent and close. Now these differences matter a lot. What is visible in a large cosmopolitan city such as London also exists worldwide. Many countries cooperate closely, most societies interpenetrate. In many ways they are becoming more similar to each other. Cars, computers, airplanes, washing machines, and television sets have lost their nationality. Of course, these are inanimate things, but market economies and financial institutions that determine interpersonal and intergroup relations have also become global phenomena, and those who would like to retain their identities intact end up like North Korea or Albania (until recently). In a world of isolated societies, it would not have mattered that such societies have different value systems. My values would not have conflicted with the values of faraway peoples of whom I knew next to nothing. It would have even satisfied one’s curiosity to know that somewhere people eat each other or that adulterous women are stoned to death. But in today’s world, it matters. Today Turkey, for example, has to rescind criminal responsibility for adultery if it wants to join the EU. Not only have practically all nations of the world become interdependent but also people with different value systems often live next door in the same neighborhood. They simply cannot ignore each other, and passive tolerance toward different ways of life is not good enough; one needs mutual respect for diverse ways of living. At the same time, there are cases when not only respect for other traditions but also their simple tolerance seems impossible. Where does or where should my tolerance of values I do not share, but which other people cherish, end? So-called honor killings, female genital mutilation, and forced (not simply arranged) marriages are only Downloaded from abs.sagepub.com by guest on March 4, 2012 1650 AMERICAN BEHAVIORAL SCIENTIST some of the prominent examples of practices that I believe must not be accepted, whatever their historical justifications or explanations. There are other values, such as the prohibition of arbitrary deprivation of life, torture, racial discrimination, or slavery, that should be universally enforced and no justification for the denial of these values accepted. However, even here the question of how to address these unacceptable practices remains. Sometimes remedies may do more harm than the illness itself. For example, the almost universally accepted principle of gender equality needs special attention because discrimination of women is widespread in many societies. This is a domain where discrimination indeed has roots in age-old traditions that cannot be changed overnight, but at the same time, not only do references to these traditions serve the power interests of male chauvinist thugs but also their continuation inhibits the economic development of gender-unequal societies. Unfortunately, the positive side of the rich tapestry of world cultures sometimes expresses itself only in the possibility of having Indian, Chinese, Italian, or Thai food. The desire and attempts of the elders and leaders of some faith or racial communities to prevent closer intermingling (e.g., intermarriages) between persons belonging to other communities that live a few streets away (or today a couple of hours of flights away) may lead to tragic conclusions (forced marriages, suicides, honor deaths). Moreover, when people who have migrated as refugees or have done it for economic reasons retain all their traditions, this means that they also bring with them those traditions that caused them to migrate. Certain cultural traits, characteristics of economic relations or other endogenous causes—and not always exogenous factors as asserted by traditional liberals—contribute to the creation of situations that force people to leave their homes to look for a better life elsewhere. Therefore, fear of assimilation and the desire to retain all traditions at all costs often mean that communities living in close physical proximity to each other not only have different ways of life but also live in different worlds. Multiculturalism has both good and bad aspects; some of them enrich us, whereas other parts impoverish us and even cause or create conditions for conflict. INDIVIDUALISM, COMMUNITARIANISM, AND HUMAN RIGHTS Two of the phenomena that have in many ways already become globalized but in other respects still retain their particular character are democracy and human rights. They have become universal because they are codified in many UN human rights documents and most, although not all, national constitutions swear allegiance to them. And certainly there has indeed been some real, in contradistinction to hypocritical paper acceptance, spread of democracy and human rights in different parts of the world. At the same time, there is not only practical resistance in many countries to the acceptance of human rights and democracy Downloaded from abs.sagepub.com by guest on March 4, 2012 Müllerson / FALSE DILEMMA 1651 but also religious and ideological foundations that are not conducive to their universal acceptance. However, even they are slowly changing because the experience of other peoples is contagious. Here we also see that “the communitarian East” and “the individualistic West” are not so different that no rapprochement is possible. The rise of the nation state, the development of the market economy, individualism (as a philosophical doctrine), and the emergence of ideas of human rights are linked in their genesis. Both individualism and ideas of human rights were aimed at liberating human beings from oppression by the state and by the church and at getting rid of feudal hierarchies that kept individuals in shackles and also stifled economic and social development as a whole. Etzioni (2002a) observed that “individualism played a significant role in the history of Western societies. It loosened the excessive bonds, oppressive structures, and largely monotheistic values of traditional, ascribed communities” (p. 51). As these developments took place in Western Europe, the advocates of “Asian values,” less vocal after the East Asian economic crisis than before, who argued that as individualism is a Western concept so also are human rights, have a point. However, it is not the whole truth. The West has not always been individualistic. Some influential Western schools of thought (Rousseau, Marx, and fascism) are in fact rather communitarian. The guru of British sociologists and the main ideologue of the British “third way,” Anthony Giddens (1998), for example, correctly observed that “a collectivist attitude has also long been part of Christian democratic ideology in Continental countries” (p. 34). Chris Brown (1999) of the London School of Economics even argued that “in so far as liberal societies have been successful over the last two centuries it has been because they have been constructed as approximations to the communitarian model rather than because of the dependence on rights-based individualism” (p. 113). Although there may be some exaggeration in this assertion, individualism and communitarianism have both influenced, in different countries and at different times and degrees, the development of Western European societies. Western success during the past half a millennium is due to many factors, which have indeed also included the right dose of individualism (certainly more of it than in other cultures) that has been necessary for the emancipation of individuals, the enhancement of their creativity, and their entrepreneurship. Successful societies vacillate somewhere close to the middle of the spectrum where at one end is absolute communitarianism (i.e., totalitarianism) and at the other end absolute individualism (i.e., chaos and the disruption of societal and civic bonds). It is probably because of one of those, using the phrase of Hans Morgenthau (1978, pp. 4-15), “perennial forces” of politics that no society can steer a straight course but has to negotiate a curvy road compensating a tilt to the left with the correction to the right and so on and on. A social-democratic rule has to be balanced by a conservative rule, and when they get things right it means only that their remedy has been right for these concrete circumstances and for this concrete period of time. Thatcherism worked in Great Britain for a while not Downloaded from abs.sagepub.com by guest on March 4, 2012 1652 AMERICAN BEHAVIORAL SCIENTIST because Thatcherite theories are truer or better than Labor ones but because the latter had for too long informed the political decision making in the country. Only totalitarian or authoritarian governments can lay in a straight course, but it usually ends in an abyss. Currently, many Western thinkers as well as politicians are more concerned with societal cohesion than with individual liberties. Raymond Seitz (1995), former U.S. ambassador to the United Kingdom, speaking of the United Kingdom and the United States, wrote that “if a democracy becomes only a matter of asserting rights—merely an excuse for licence—then society can rapidly become a melée of self-indulgence” (p. 8). The Report of the Commission on Global Governance also stresses that “rights need to be joined with responsibilities” and that “the tendency to emphasise rights while forgetting responsibilities has deleterious consequences” (Global Governance, 1995, p. 56). Indeed, as Nobel laureate Aung San Suu Kyi (1995) has rightly emphasized, excessive individualism may lead to the destruction of civic bonds in society: Gross individualism and cut-throat morality arise when political and intellectual freedoms are curbed on the one hand while on the other fierce economic competitiveness is encouraged by making material success the measure of prestige and progress. The result is a society where cultural and human values are set aside and money value reigns supreme. (p. 24) Excessive individualism can also be counterproductive to human rights. Jack Donnelly (1999) warned that the common complaint that Westerners in general, and Americans in particular, have gone “rights crazy” merits serious consideration. We must guard against what might be called the imperialism of rights, the view that all important goods should be recognised as and implemented through the mechanisms of (human) rights. (p. 99)8 This criticism of excessive individualism does not mean, however, that what Etzioni (2004) called “authoritarian” communitarianism is the answer. I tend to agree with Hamish McRae (1994), who concluded that maybe the real message is that all modern industrial societies have to find a way of striking a balance between individualism and social control, and that somehow the democratic process has to maintain that balance, making the costs and benefits clear. (p. 204) In short, societies usually need more of what they are lacking and less of what they have in excess. If many Western societies need to emphasize the importance of individual responsibility and the strengthening of communal bonds, most Asian societies (although not only Asian societies, of course) must come to see the development of individual liberties as one of their main concerns. Downloaded from abs.sagepub.com by guest on March 4, 2012 Müllerson / FALSE DILEMMA 1653 CONCLUSIONS Hence, if in the process of proliferation from Africa, communities of Homo sapiens became more and more different in terms of the color of the eyes and skin of their members, the languages they spoke, the songs they sang, the animals they hunted or domesticated, the food they ate, and the Gods they prayed to, now a reverse process is taking place. This is a slow process with many setbacks and counterreactions but nevertheless, different societies are becoming more and more similar in some important respects. Of course, many differences remain, and there is a strongly positive side to that. However, as we have discussed above, not all of the differences are equally welcome or acceptable, not everything in the rich tapestry of the world carpet is of equal value. When huge developmental gaps are taken for cultural differences while at the same time it is denied that certain cultural factors condition the existence of these gaps (and that such factors may also be a serious source of wealth for some societies and poverty for others) we close our eyes to phenomena that may be either causes of or circumstances conducive to violent conflicts. There is both the tendency and the need for different societies to become more similar to each other, and it is within this perception that I see the main idea of Etzioni’s (2004) book having the potential to be realized in practice. The East and the West will meet in a middle ground, and they both are not merely bringing their respective values to the evolving global normative synthesis but instead, these values are being modified in this process. However, this is a painful process; many resist the modification of values and sometimes they do so violently. Neither exclusively “Eastern authoritarian” nor exclusively “Western liberal individualistic” responses are adequate when facing contemporary violence and its most prominent form—terrorism. Here too a normative synthesis is necessary. NOTES 1. I believe that no single theory can do justice to such multifaceted phenomena as international law or relations because every theoretical approach, quite naturally, strives to become internally more and more coherent, noncontroversial, and complete; that is to say, it strives to become academically more and more rigorous. This, in turn, tends to lead to the loss of the capacity to reflect reality, which is often controversial and volatile (i.e., nonrigorous), comprehensively. As Douglass North (1994), Nobel Prize winner in economics, has said, “The price you pay for precision is an inability to deal with real world questions” (p. 1). Not entering into the discussion of the substantive merits of various international relations theories, one may nevertheless conclude, for example, that Kenneth Waltz’s (1979) neorealism, concentrating all the attention on the structure of the international system and on the power of the state, offers a rigorous and parsimonious theoretical explanation of some aspects of international relations. However, it leaves many important variables out of the picture and it seems to be particularly unable to explain the change in international society. At the same time, James Rosenau’s (1997) turbulence model of international relations and his theory of “fragmegration” (i.e., explaining processes of both fragmentation and integration in international Downloaded from abs.sagepub.com by guest on March 4, 2012 1654 AMERICAN BEHAVIORAL SCIENTIST society) are free from the shortcomings of Waltz’s theory. However, it certainly is much more volatile and less rigorous than theories concentrating on fewer variables and using Occam’s razor less sparingly. Hence, there simply have to be various international relations theories that highlight (some better, others not so well) different facets of this complex phenomenon. 2. This is only a parable, although it contains some important morals. The reality was much more complex. One of the main reasons of the fall of the Muslim rule in Al-Andalus, as Maria Rosa Menocal (2002) observed, was “the relentless warfare among all the Muslim-held cities, and especially ferocious competition between al-Mamun’s Toledo and Abbadid Seville” (p. 134). 3. On weaknesses of postmodern Western Europe vis-à-vis premodern challenges, see, for example, Cooper (2000, 2002a, 2002b). 4. For example, the American Civil Liberties Union (2001) harshly criticized former Attorney General John Ashcroft for his testimony regarding political dissent: In a blatant attempt to stifle growing criticism of recent government policy, Attorney General Ashcroft delivered testimony last week equating legitimate political dissent with something unpatriotic and un-American. We urge the Attorney General to learn from the history of American dissent—from the Civil War to the civil rights struggle—that free and robust debate is one of the main engines of social and political justice. (para. 1) 5. Although most, if not all, of the remedies he has proposed may be in concrete circumstances necessary indeed, they are all limited to law-enforcement measures, economic or diplomatic sanctions, and use of military force (see Netanyahu, 2001, pp. 129-148). 6. In a way, terrorists act counterproductively to the content of their demands because to meet their demands, even if these demands were justified if not made by terrorists, would encourage further terrorism. For example, many Palestinian terrorists demand to end the Israeli occupation and dismantle settlements in the occupied territories. But to end this occupation would be seen, in this context and by terrorists, as surrendering to their demands and would tempt them to increase their demands underpinned by terrorist threats. Moreover, there are those who are not content with such “moderate” demands. They want to push the Jews into the Mediterranean. 7. Although I am not a polyglot and speak fluently only three or four languages, I understand how poor a person who speaks only one language is. It is often impossible to convey exactly the meaning of something expressed in one language in another language. It is impossible to enjoy Shakespeare or Pushkin even in the best of translations. There are many unique and interesting things said or written in languages that are spoken by few people and never translated into so-called world languages. So, the linguistic tapestry of the world is rich in a very positive sense although, for example, the need to translate the multitude of documents within the EU is one of the negative side effects of this aspect of the rich tapestry of the world. 8. Limited space prevents me from elaborating on this very interesting observation. However, I believe it is very important to note that many enthusiasts often try to conceptualize practically all goods and values in terms of human rights. Even such paramount goods as peace and economic development are hard to express in terms of human (i.e., individual) rights. Sometimes such attempts may lead to watering down the very concept of human rights. REFERENCES Abtahi, M. M. (2004, June). Keynote speech presented at the Dialogue of Cultures or Clash of Civilizations Conference, Lake Issyk Kul, Kyrgyzstan. American Civil Liberties Union. (2001, December 10). ACLU appalled by Ashcroft statement on dissent: Calls free speech “main engine of justice.” Retrieved May 10, 2005, and available from http://aclu.org Downloaded from abs.sagepub.com by guest on March 4, 2012 Müllerson / FALSE DILEMMA 1655 Answering-Islam. (n.d.). Did Jacques Cousteau become a Muslim? Retrieved July 2004 from http:// www.answering-islam.org.uk/hoaxes/Cousteau.html Barak, E. (2002). Security and counter-terrorism. In M. Leonard (Ed.), Reordering the world: The long-term implications of September 11th (pp. 91-97). London: Foreign Policy Centre. The Beslan tragedy. (2004, September). Argumenty i Fakty, No. 36, p. 2. Bozeman, A. (1971). The future of law in a multicultural world. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. Brown, C. (1999). Universal human rights: A critique. In T. Dunne & N. Wheeler (Eds.), Human rights in global politics (pp. 105-127). Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. Buruma, I. (2000, December 10). Review of Ian Kershaw’s Hitler 1936-45: Nemesis. New York Times Book Review, p. 13. Cavalli-Sforza, L. L. (2000). Genes, peoples and languages. London: Allen Lane. Cooper, R. (2000). The post-modern state and the world order (2nd ed.). London: Demos. Cooper, R. (2002a, April 7). The new liberal imperialism. Observer, p. 6. Cooper, R. (2002b). The post-modern state. In M. Leonard (Ed.), Reordering the world: The longterm implications of September 11th (pp. 11-20). London: Foreign Policy Centre. Cronin, A. (2001). Rethinking sovereignty: American strategy in the age of terrorism. Survival, 44(2), 129-145. Donnelly, J. (1999). Social construction of international human rights. In T. Dunne & N. Wheeler (Eds.), Human rights in global politics (pp. 87-104). Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. Enayat, H. (1982). Modern Islamic political thought. Austin: University of Texas Press. Etzioni, A. (2002a). Individualism—Within history. The Hedgehog Review, 4(1), 49-56. Etzioni, A. (2002b). Opening Islam. Society, 39(5), 29-35. Etzioni, A. (2004). From empire to community: A new approach to international relations. New York: Palgrave. Freedman, L. (2002). A new type of war. In K. Booth & T. Dunne (Eds.), Worlds in collision: Terror and the future of global order (pp. 37-47). New York: Palgrave. Friedman, T. L. (2001, November 28). World War III is against religious totalitarianism. International Herald Tribune, p. 7. Fukuyama, F. (1995). Trust: The social virtues and the creation of prosperity. New York: Free Press. Gellner, E. (1983). Nations and nationalism. Oxford, UK: Basil Blackwell. Giddens, A. (1998). The third way. Cambridge, UK: Polity. Global Governance. (1995). Our global neighbourhood: The report of the Commission on Global Governance. Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press. Granet, M. (1934). La pensée Chinoise [Chinese thought]. Paris: Albin Michel. Hitler, A. (1999). Mein Kampf (R. Mannheim, Ed.). New York: Mariner Books. Kipling, R. (1994). The ballad of east and west. In Selected poems (pp. 65-67). London: Bloomsbury. Komsomol’skaya Pravda. (2004, September 29). [Interview with Vladislav Surkov], p. 10. Kyi, A. S. S. (1995). Freedom from fear. New York: Penguin. Lewis, B. (2002, January). What went wrong? Atlantic Monthly, 289(1), 287-290. Loyd, A. (2005, February 24). Kurd who will seal Saddam’s fate. Times Online. Retrieved from http:/ /www.timesonline.co.uk/article/0,,7374-1497730,00.html Mahatir, M. (2003, October 16). Opening speech presented at the 10th session of the Islamic Summit, Putrajaya, Malaysia. Martens, F. F. (1873). On consuls and consular jurisdiction in the East (Russian translation). St Petersburg, Russia: Jurisprudencia. McRae, H. (1994). The world in 2000: Power, culture and prosperity: A vision of the future. New York: HarperCollins. Menocal, M. R. (2002). The ornament of the world: How Muslims, Jews, and Christians created a culture of tolerance in medieval Spain. Boston: Little, Brown. Downloaded from abs.sagepub.com by guest on March 4, 2012 1656 AMERICAN BEHAVIORAL SCIENTIST Morgenthau, H. (1978). Politics among nations: The struggle for power and peace (5th ed.). New York: Knopf. Netanyahu, B. (2001). Fighting against terrorism: How democracies can defeat the international terrorist network. New York: Farrar, Straus & Giroux. North, D. (1994, July 29). Wall Street Journal, p. 1. Pinker, S. (2002). The blank slate. New York: Penguin. Race “segregation” caused riots. (2001, December 11). BBC News. ...
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