PS YC HOLOGICA L SC IENCE
Research Report
Comfortably Numb
Desensitizing Effects of Violent Media on Helping Others
Brad J. Bushman1,2 and Craig A. Anderson3
1
University of Michigan, 2VU University Amsterdam, and 3Iowa State University
ABSTRACT—Two studies tested the hypothesis that exposure
to violent media reduces aid offered to people in pain. In
Study 1, participants played a violent or nonviolent video
game for 20 min. After game play, while completing a
lengthy questionnaire, they heard a loud fight, in which
one person was injured, outside the lab. Participants who
played violent games took longer to help the injured victim,
rated the fight as less serious, and were less likely to
‘‘hear’’ the fight in comparison to participants who played
nonviolent games. In Study 2, violent- and nonviolentmovie attendees witnessed a young woman with an injured
ankle struggle to pick up her crutches outside the theater
either before or after the movie. Participants who had just
watched a violent movie took longer to help than participants in the other three conditions. The findings from both
studies suggest that violent media make people numb to the
pain and suffering of others.
Film is a powerful medium, film is a drug, film is a potential hallucinogen—it goes into your eye, it goes into your brain, it stimulates and it’s a dangerous thing—it can be a very subversive
thing.
— Oliver Stone (quoted in Dworkin, 1996)
If film is a drug, then violent film content might make people
‘‘comfortably numb’’ (borrowing the words of Pink Floyd). Specifically, exposure to blood and gore in the media might make
people numb to the pain and suffering of others—a process
called desensitization. One negative consequence of such
physiological desensitization is that it may cause people to be
less helpful to those in need.
The link between desensitization and helping behavior is
provided by a recent model that integrates the pioneering
work on helping by Latané and Darley (1968) with our work
on physiological desensitization to aggression, illustrated in
Address correspondence to Brad J. Bushman, Institute for Social
Research, University of Michigan, 426 Thomson St., Ann Arbor, MI
48106, e-mail: bbushman@umich.edu.
Volume 20—Number 3
Figure 1. Several factors must be in place before someone decides to help a victim (Latané & Darley, 1970; see Fig. 2). Three
of these factors are particularly relevant here. First, the individual must notice or attend to the violent incident. However,
decreased attention to violent events is likely to be one consequence of desensitization. Second, the individual must recognize the event as an emergency. However, desensitization can
reduce the perceived seriousness of injury and the perception
that an emergency exists. Third, the individual must feel a
personal responsibility to help. However, decreased sympathy
for the victim, increased belief that violence is normative, and
decreased negative attitudes toward violence all decrease
feelings of personal responsibility.
Although previous research has shown that violence in the
media can produce desensitization-related outcomes (e.g., Linz,
Donnerstein, & Adams, 1989; Molitor & Hirsch, 1994; Mullin &
Linz, 1995; Thomas, Horton, Lippincott, & Drabman, 1977),
this model illuminates two gaps in the desensitization literature.
First, there are no published studies testing the hypothesis that
violent media stimuli known to produce physiological desensitization also reduce helping behavior. Second, there are no field
experiments testing the effect of violent-entertainment media on
helping an injured person. We recently found that playing a
violent video game for just 20 min decreased skin conductance
and heart rate while watching real scenes of violence (Carnagey,
Anderson, & Bushman, 2007). We conducted two studies to help
fill these gaps: a lab experiment using violent video games
(Study 1) and a field study using violent movies (Study 2).
STUDY 1
Participants played a violent or a nonviolent video game. Later,
they overheard a staged fight leading to injury. We predicted that
playing a violent video game, in comparison to playing a nonviolent game, would decrease the likelihood of help, delay
helping, decrease the likelihood of noticing an emergency (the
first step in the helping process), and decrease the judged severity of the emergency (the second step in the helping process).
Copyright
2009 Association
for WOMANS
Psychological
Science
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273
Numbing Effects of Media Violence
Media Violence
Desensitization
Procedures
Exposure to initially fearful stimuli in a
positive emotional context
Extinction of Fear/Anxiety Reactions
to Violence
Desensitization
Effect
Cognitive
& Affective
Outcomes
(e.g., decreased heart rate reactivity)
Decreased
Perception
of Injury
Severity
Decreased
Attention to
Violent
Events
Decreased
Sympathy for
Violence
Victims
Increased
Belief That
Violence Is
Normative
Decreased
Negative
Attitudes Toward
Violence
Increased Aggression
Behavioral
Outcomes
Decreased Helping
Lower likelihood of intervening
Delay in intervening
Higher likelihood of initiating aggression
More severe level of aggression
More persistence in aggression
Fig. 1. Model of the effects of exposure to media violence. Such exposure serves as a desensitization procedure leading to increases in aggression and decreases in helping. Adapted from Carnagey, Anderson, and Bushman (2007).
Method
Participants
Participants were 320 college students (160 men, 160 women)
who received extra course credit in exchange for voluntary
participation.
Procedure
Participants were tested individually. They were told that the
researchers were studying what types of people liked various
types of video games. After giving consent, participants played a
randomly assigned violent (Carmageddon, Duke Nukem, Mortal
Kombat, Future Cop) or nonviolent (Glider Pro, 3D Pinball,
Austin Powers, Tetra Madness) video game. We used the same
violent and nonviolent video games and the same participant
pool that Carnagey et al. (2007) used to demonstrate physiological desensitization to violence.
The experimenter set a timer for 20 min, handed the participant a lengthy questionnaire, and said,
274
After the timer goes off, please complete this questionnaire. I need
to code some data for another study, but I promise to be back in
about 40 min. Please don’t leave the building until I get back. I
have to ask you some questions about the video game before you
leave. Okay?
The experimenter then departed.
After playing the video game for 20 min, participants rated on
a 10-point scale (1 5 not at all, 10 5 extremely) how actionpacked, enjoyable, fun, absorbing, arousing, boring, entertaining, exciting, involving, stimulating, addicting, and violent the
video game was. The violence rating was used as a manipulation
check. The other ratings were used as possible covariates in the
analyses to control for differences in video games other than
violent content. After reverse-scoring boring ratings, principal
components factor analysis showed that the covariates loaded on
a single factor (eigenvalue 5 7.21), and were therefore combined (Cronbach a 5 .94). Because the results were virtually
identical with and without the covariates, we only report the
simpler analyses that excluded the covariates.
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Volume 20—Number 3
Brad J. Bushman and Craig A. Anderson
First actor: Okay, that’s it, I don’t have to put up with this shit any
longer.
Emergency!
Step 1: Notice that
something is happening.
When the recording reached this point, the experimenter
threw a chair onto the floor, making a loud crash, and kicked the
door to the participant’s room twice.
Second actor: [groans in pain]
First actor: Ohhhh, did I hurt you?
Second actor: It’s my ankle, you bastard. It’s twisted or something.
Step 2: Interpret event as
an emergency.
First actor: Isn’t that just too bad?
Second actor: I can’t even stand up!
First actor: Don’t look to me for pity.
Second actor: You could at least help me get off the floor.
Step 3: Take responsibility
for providing help.
Step 4: Decide how to
help.
Step 5: Provide help.
Fig. 2. Five steps to helping. Adapted from Latané and Darley (1970).
Next, participants indicated their favorite type of video game
(i.e., education, fantasy, fighting with hands or weapons, skill, or
sports). They also completed a lengthy bogus questionnaire
(over 200 items), ostensibly to determine what types of people
prefer various types of video games. The real purpose of the
questionnaire was to keep participants busy while a recording of
a staged fight was played outside the lab.
Three minutes after the participant finished playing the video
game, the experimenter, who was outside of the lab, played
an audio recording of a staged fight between two actors. The
6-min fight was professionally recorded using experienced
actors. Two parallel versions of the fight involved male actors
(used for male participants) or female actors (used for female
participants). In the recording, the two actors were presumably
waiting to do an experiment. They began by talking about how
one stole the other’s girlfriend (male version) or boyfriend
(female version). The discussion quickly deteriorated into a
shouting match (as indicated in the following script from the
male version):
First actor: You stole her from me. I’m right, and you know it, you
loser.
Second actor: Loser? If I’m a loser, why am I dating your ex-girlfriend?
Volume 20—Number 3
First actor: You’ve gotta be kidding me. Help you? I’m outta here.
[slams the door and leaves]
At this point, the experimenter pressed the start button on the
stopwatch to time how long it would take for participants to help
the second actor—the violence victim. On the recording, the
victim groaned in pain for about 1.5 min. Because the first actor
had ‘‘left,’’ there was no perceived danger to the participant in
helping the second actor.
The experimenter waited 3 min after the groans of pain
stopped to give participants ample time to help. If the participant left the room to help the victim, the experimenter pressed
the stop button on the stopwatch and then debriefed the participant.
If the participant did not help after 3 min, the experimenter
entered the room and said, ‘‘Hi, I’m back. Is everything going all
right in here? I just saw someone limping down the hallway. Did
something happen here?’’ The experimenter recorded whether
the participant mentioned hearing the fight outside the room.
Those who reported hearing the fight rated how serious it was on
a 10-point scale (1 5 not at all serious, 10 5 extremely serious).
As justification for rating the severity of the fight, the experimenter explained the rating was required for a formal report that
needed to be filed with the campus police. Finally, the participant was fully debriefed.
We conducted a pilot study involving 50 college students (25
men, 25 women) to test whether they thought the fight was real.
Only 5 of the first 10 participants in the pilot study thought the
fight was real. We therefore increased the realism of the fight
(e.g., knocked over a chair and pounded on the door). After
making these changes, all of the remaining 40 participants
thought the fight was real.
Results
Preliminary Analyses
As expected, violence ratings were higher for the violent games
(M 5 7.89) than for the nonviolent games (M 5 1.51), F(1, 316)
5 823.13, p < .0001, prep > .99, d 5 3.22. We used four violent
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275
Numbing Effects of Media Violence
games and four nonviolent games to improve generalizability
(Wells & Windschitl, 1999). Within each type of video game, we
tested whether the four games produced different effects on any
of the dependent variables. No significant differences were
found among the four violent or the four nonviolent games. Thus,
data were collapsed across exemplars of video game types for
subsequent analyses.
gled to retrieve them. A researcher hidden from view timed how
long it took moviegoers to retrieve the crutches for the confederate. We expected that participants who had just watched a
violent movie would take longer to help the confederate than
would participants who had just watched a nonviolent movie or
participants who had not yet seen a movie.
Main Analyses
Helping. Although in the predicted direction, there was no
significant difference in helping rates between violent and
nonviolent video game players, 21% and 25%, respectively, z 5
0.88, p 5 .38, prep > .59, f 5 .05. Participants who said their
favorite type of video game involved ‘‘fighting with hands or
weapons’’ were less likely to help than those who said their favorite video game was nonviolent, 11% and 26%, respectively,
z 5 2.46, p < .02, prep > .92, f 5 .14.
Method
Time to Help. When people who played a violent game did decide to help, they took significantly longer (M 5 73.3 s) to help
the victim than those who played a nonviolent game (M 5 16.2
s), F(1, 70) 5 6.70, p < .02, prep > .92, d 5 0.61.
Heard Fight. The first step to helping is to notice the emergency.
As expected, people who played a violent game were less likely
to report that they heard the fight than those who played a
nonviolent game, 94% and 99%, respectively, z 5 2.00, p < .05,
prep > .87, f 5 .11.
Severity of Fight. The second step to helping is to judge the
event as an emergency. As expected, people who played a violent game thought the fight was less serious (M 5 5.91) than did
those who played a nonviolent game (M 5 6.44), F(1, 239) 5
4.44, p < .04, prep > .89, d 5 0.27. Men also thought the fight
was less serious (M 5 5.92) than did women (M 5 6.49), F(1,
239) 5 5.43, p < .03, prep > .90, d 5 0.29.
Discussion
Violent video games known to produce physiological desensitization in a previous study (Carnagey et al., 2006) influenced
helping behavior and related perceptual and cognitive variables
in theoretically expected ways in Study 1. Participants who
played a violent game took significantly longer to help, over
450% longer, than participants who played a nonviolent game.
Furthermore, compared to participants who played a nonviolent
game, those who played a violent game were less likely to notice
the fight and rated it as less serious, which are two obstacles to
helping.
STUDY 2
Participants in Study 2 were adult moviegoers. Our confederate,
a young woman with a wrapped ankle and crutches, ‘‘accidentally’’ dropped her crutches outside a movie theater and strug-
276
Participants
Participants were 162 adult moviegoers.
Procedure
A minor emergency was staged just outside theaters that were
showing either a violent movie (e.g., The Ruins, 2008) or a
nonviolent movie (e.g., Nim’s Island, 2008). The violent movies
were rated ‘‘R’’; the nonviolent movies were rated ‘‘PG.’’ Participants had the opportunity to help a young woman with a
wrapped ankle who dropped her crutches just outside the theater
and was struggling to retrieve them. The confederate was told to
pick up her crutches after 2 min if nobody offered help, but she
always received help in less than 11 s. After receiving help, she
thanked the helper and then hobbled away from the theater. A
researcher hidden from view timed with a stopwatch how long it
took participants to help the confederate. The researcher also
recorded the gender of the person offering help and the number
of potential helpers in the vicinity.
The researcher flipped a coin in advance to determine whether
the emergency was staged before or after the showing of a violent
or nonviolent movie. Staging the emergency before the movie
allowed us to test (and control) the helpfulness of people attending violent versus nonviolent movies. Staging the emergency after the movie allowed us to test the hypothesis that
viewing violence inhibits helping. The confederate dropped her
crutch 36 times, 9 times in each of the four experimental conditions.
Results and Discussion
Although the helping delay increased as the number of bystanders increased, and women helped less often than men,
these effects were not statistically significant and were not analyzed further. The data were analyzed using a model testing
approach, in which a specific contrast representing our theoretical model and the residual between-groups variance are both
tested for significance. If the theoretical model adequately accounts for differences among observed means, then the specific
contrast should be significant and the residual between-groups
variance should be nonsignificant. As predicted, participants
who had just viewed a violent movie took over 26% longer to
help (M 5 6.89 s) than participants in the other three conditions
(M 5 5.46 s), F(1, 32) 5 6.20, p < .01, prep > .95, d 5 0.88 (see
Fig. 3). Furthermore, the residual between-groups variance was
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Volume 20—Number 3
Brad J. Bushman and Craig A. Anderson
In sum, the present studies clearly demonstrate that violent
media exposure can reduce helping behavior in precisely the
way predicted by major models of helping and desensitization
theory. People exposed to media violence become ‘‘comfortably
numb’’ to the pain and suffering of others and are consequently
less helpful.
Nonviolent Movie
Violent Movie
8
Helping Delay (s)
7
6
5
4
Acknowledgments—We thank Colleen Phillips for her help
with Study 1 and Elizabeth Henley and Brad Gamache for their
help with Study 2.
3
2
1
REFERENCES
0
Before Movie
After Movie
Staging of Emergency
Fig. 3. Mean time elapsed before adults helped a confederate pick up her
crutches as a function of whether they watched a violent or nonviolent
movie before or after the staged emergency.
not significant, F < 1.0, indicating that the theoretical model
adequately accounted for the pattern of means. Indeed, the
model accounted for 98% of the between-groups variance. The
lack of a difference in helping before watching the movie rules
out the possibility that less-helpful people were more likely to
attend the violent movies.
GENERAL DISCUSSION
These two studies support the desensitization hypothesis linking
media violence to decreased helping behavior. In Study 1, violent video games known to desensitize people caused decreases
in helping-related behavior, perceptions, and cognitions. In
Study 2, violent movies delayed helping in a wholly naturalistic
setting. The person in need of help had an injured ankle in both
studies. In Study 1, the injury resulted from interpersonal violence, whereas in Study 2, the cause of injury was unknown. The
similar results across very different studies suggest that desensitization caused by media violence generalizes beyond
failure to help victims of violence. Theoretically, we expect such
generalization; one factor influencing helping behavior is judged
severity of injury, and that judgment is influenced by one’s own
emotional and physiological reaction to the injury.
Volume 20—Number 3
Carnagey, N.L., Anderson, C.A., & Bushman, B.J. (2007). The effect of
video game violence on physiological desensitization to real-life
violence. Journal of Experimental Social Psychology, 43, 489–
496.
Dworkin, A. (1996). Slicing the baby in half. Retrieved December 12,
2008, from the Times Higher Education Web site: http://www.
timeshighereducation.co.uk/story.asp?storyCode=162012§ion
code=6
Latané, B., & Darley, J.M. (1968). Group inhibition of bystander intervention in emergencies. Journal of Personality and Social
Psychology, 10, 215–221.
Latané, B., & Darley, J.M. (1970). The unresponsive bystander: Why
doesn’t he help? New York: Appleton-Century-Crofts.
Linz, D., Donnerstein, E., & Adams, S.M. (1989). Physiological desensitization and judgments about female victims of violence.
Human Communication Research, 15, 509–522.
Molitor, F., & Hirsch, K.W. (1994). Children’s toleration of real-life
aggression after exposure to media violence: A replication of the
Drabman and Thomas studies. Child Study Journal, 24, 191–207.
Mullin, C.R., & Linz, D. (1995). Desensitization and resensitization to
violence against women: Effects of exposure to sexually violent
films on judgments of domestic violence victims. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 69, 449–459.
Thomas, M.H., Horton, R.W., Lippincott, E.C., & Drabman, R.S.
(1977). Desensitization to portrayals of real life aggression as a
function of television violence. Journal of Personality and Social
Psychology, 35, 450–458.
Wells, G.L., & Windschitl, P.D. (1999). Stimulus sampling and social
psychological experimentation. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 25, 1115–1125.
(RECEIVED 7/1/08; REVISION ACCEPTED 8/24/08)
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277
Paper One Instructions
The purpose of this assignment is to apply your ability to critically analyze a research article and apply the
findings to psychology and public policy as a whole. For this paper, you will read, summarize, and evaluate
the article provided below and write a summary of the article as well as a critical reflection of the findings.
You will clearly and articulately discuss what the implications of this study are for psychology and/or
public policy.
•
Bushman, B. J., & Anderson, C. A. (2009). Comfortably numb: Desensitizing effects of violent
media on helping others. Psychological Science, 20, 273-277. http://dx.doi.org/ 10.1111/j.14679280.2009.02287.x
In order to summarize the article (which should be less than half of the paper), you should:
•
•
•
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Summarize the author(s)’ hypotheses and purpose for the study
Describe the sample of participants in the study (number, age, gender, etc.)
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What assumptions did the author(s) make in designing the study, and were these assumptions
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Comment on the authors’ adherence to the ethical principles for conducting psychological
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12 point, Times New Roman font
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Failure to turn in both a hard copy and digital copy will result in a grade of ZERO for
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Element
Interpretation/Cri
tical Reflection
Ability to explain
information
presented in
empirical formats
(e.g., results of
scientific studies)
and discuss
implications of the
study for public
policy
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judgments and
draw appropriate
conclusions
based on the
results of
scientific studies
or the
quantitative
analysis of data,
while
recognizing the
limits of this
analysis and
inference.
Exemplary
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explanations of information
presented in empirical or
mathematical formats.
Makes appropriate
inferences based on that
information. For example,
accurately explains trends
in data, has a reasonable
understanding of
relationships between
variables, and makes
reasonable predictions
regarding what the data
suggest about future events.
Uses empirical results or
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as the basis for deep and
thoughtful judgments,
drawing insightful, carefully
qualified conclusions from
this work.
Proficient
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explanations of
information presented
in empirical or
mathematical formats.
For instance,
accurately explains the
trend data shown in a
graph or the outcomes
of a study.
Partially Proficient
Provides somewhat
accurate explanations
of information
presented in empirical
or mathematical
formats, but
occasionally makes
minor errors related to
understanding results.
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Points
Attempts to explain
information presented
in empirical or
mathematical
formats, but draws
incorrect conclusions
about what the
information means.
For example,
frequently
misinterprets
outcomes, trends, and
relationships.
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or quantitative analysis
of data as the basis for
competent judgments,
drawing reasonable
and appropriately
qualified conclusions
from this work.
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analysis of data as the
basis for limited
(without inspiration or
nuance, ordinary)
judgments, drawing
plausible conclusions
from this work.
Uses empirical
results or
quantitative analysis
of data as the basis
for flawed, tentative,
basic judgments,
although is mistaken
or uncertain when
drawing conclusions
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theorizing,
modeling and
generalizing results
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Evaluate scientific
evidence and
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Content and Tone
Organization and
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Citations
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compelling rationale for
why each assumption is
appropriate. Shows
awareness that confidence in
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by the accuracy of the
assumptions.
Reviews scientific rigor of
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thorough, specific
considerations of need for
further work.
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prompt and/or all questions
in prompt in a style that is
appealing and appropriate
for the intended audience.
Explicitly describes
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rationale for why
assumptions are
appropriate.
Explicitly describes
assumptions.
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assumptions.
____/ 8 pts.
Reviews scientific
rigor of empirical
work with some
consideration of need
for further work.
Addresses nearly all
portions of prompt
and/or nearly all
questions in prompt in
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appropriate for the
intended audience.
Reviews scientific
rigor of empirical
work with little, if
any, consideration
of need for further
work.
Addresses some
portions of the
prompt and/or some
questions in the
prompt in a style that
is often inappropriate
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organizational structure that
includes grouping related
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specialized vocabulary
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rigor of empirical
work superficially
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consideration of
need for further
work.
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prompt and/or the
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prompt in an
unpolished style
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intended audience.
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consistent
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____/ 8 pts.
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0-1 errors in grammar,
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2-3 errors in grammar,
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4-5 errors in grammar,
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punctuation, and
spelling.
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