Hooligans and Heroes: Youth Identity and Hip-Hop in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania Perullo, Alex. Africa Today, Volume 51, Number 4, Summer 2005, pp. 75-101 (Article) Published by Indiana University Press DOI: 10.1353/at.2005.0045 For additional information about this article http://muse.jhu.edu/journals/at/summary/v051/51.4perullo.html Access Provided by University of District of Columbia at 12/13/12 12:49AM GMT Hooligans and Heroes: Youth Identity and Hip-Hop in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania Alex Perullo During the 1990s, the rise in popularity of hip-hop culture in Tanzania brought increased public scrutiny of urban youth due, in part, to preconceived notions of youth culture and rap music. In newspaper articles and public discourses, youth were quickly targeted and labeled hooligans (wahuni), and often associated with words such as violent, hostile, and disruptive. Youth used music to combat these stereotypes and project images of themselves as creative and empowered individuals in society. In this article, I examine the ways that youth use rap music to confront stereotypes of young people, and reach the broader listening public through politically and socially relevant lyrics. Using transcriptions of lyrics and interviews with artists, I argue that youth have turned a foreign musical form into a critical medium of social empowerment whereby they are able to create a sense of community among other urban youth, voice their ideas and opinions to a broad listening public, and alter conceptions of youth as hooligans. Introduction In a letter to The East African, an anonymous author wrote about the “youth time bomb” that existed in Dar es Salaam. Lamenting the problems of youth in Tanzania and the difficulties they have leaving the country for more opportunities, he writes, “What, after all, is there to live for at home? Jobs have disappeared in the wake of economic liberalization. . . . An army of petty hawkers has emerged, and drug dealing and crime have soared.” He continues by stressing that places such as Dar es Salaam are social time bombs, where youth are on the verge of exploding with anger and disorder. The pressures of living in Tanzania have caused young people to use any means to survive (The East African 1999). africa TODAY 76 HOOLIGANS AND HEROES In examining the pressures that youth encounter daily, it may seem logical to assume that youth are on the verge of exploding through violence and disorder. In Dar es Salaam, a city of 3.5 million people, unemployment figures among the general population are estimated to be from 13 to 40 percent and potentially higher among young people, many of whom—even some who have an education—work menial jobs, sit on street corners waiting to be hired, or search the city for employment.1 For those fortunate enough, families provide support until jobs materialize; for others, however, problems with hunger, corruption (being forced to pay bribes to police), and inadequate social institutions can make the city unbearable (Lugalla 1995; Moyer 2003; Tripp 1997). Due to the ways young people are expected to react to these pressures—based on adults’ preconceived notions of youth culture and media representations of young people’s practices—youth are often associated with words such as hostile, violent, and destructive (Seekings 1993:xi). Particularly in regard to hip-hop culture in Tanzania, many rappers and rap fans are labeled wahuni (hooligans), and rap has been perceived as a music corrupting the minds of the country’s young. Professor Jay, a Tanzanian rapper, explains that during the early years of rap music (late 1980s and early 1990s), youth were vilified for associating with rap music: “If you rapped during this time, you were immediately considered a hooligan. Even parents would not permit their children to rap, or even allow them to listen to someone else rap” (2001a). Many other artists pointed out similar trends, where parents and elders discouraged rap music fearing that it would encourage students to leave school, turn them into criminals, and make them forget their cultural traditions. The views that social pressures cause youth to react violently and rap encourages hooliganism are certainly not limited to Tanzania. Several studies have examined youth who employ violence to cope with social pressures, political instability, or economic hardships (see Bucholtz 2002 and MacDonald 1997). In regard to hip-hop culture, some authors conclude that marginalized youth (those who experience the most dramatic social pressures) who listen to rap are likelier to be violent (Miranda and Claes 2004). While these conclusions may appear compelling, they create an unfortunate caricature of youth as a “lost generation” (O’Brien 1996) unable to deal with complex situations and fi nd diplomatic solutions to adverse circumstances. Positioning youth in opposition to the rest of society ignores their contributions in language, dress, and popular culture, and negates the ways they cope with economic and social pressures. To say that they are going to “explode” is to fail to recognize their agency as social and political actors, and their ingenuity in creating opportunities for themselves and in moving public opinions beyond representations of youth as a marginal age group. In this article, I explore the ways that youth in Dar es Salaam use rap music to deal with social pressures and project themselves as creative and empowered individuals in society.2 In particular, I use rap lyrics and interviews with rap musicians to examine the voices that rap offers youth africa TODAY 77 ALEX PERULLO in urban Tanzanian society. Rap has become a central means for youth to teach others about joblessness, corruption, class differences, AIDS, and other problems. It has created a sense of community among young people in Dar es Salaam and other areas of Tanzania, and empowered youth by providing them with confidence and self-reliance, not anger and violence. It lets them know that others are facing pressures similar to the ones they incur daily. Tanzanian rap is also a means through which youth are able to communicate their concerns: hip-hop “is about being a spokesperson and representative for those without power” (Whiteley 2004:9). While it can also represent those with power, it has become an important means for marginalized Tanzanian youth to address mass audiences. By identifying their stance on important issues, they encourage others to consider the place of youth in society. For Tanzanian youth, this means altering popular conceptions of themselves as hooligans and allowing youth to become knowledge holders and educators within urban contexts. The process of representation and education through music allows youth to voice their concerns to the public and learn to cope with the hardships that they encounter on a daily basis. Other outlets are available to youth, including comics and youthoriented magazines, but rap is a far more ubiquitous medium because of its dominance on the radio and the ease with which people can comprehend its message: literacy does not exclude one from listening to rap. Tanzania has a long history of music that discusses social and political issues. Before Tanzania’s independence from British colonial rule (in 1961), many dansi and taarab artists wrote songs that commented on problems of urban life. Mohamed Bwagajuga’s song “Dar es Salaam Usiende” (“Don’t Go to Dar es Salaam”), for instance, warned people about the dangers of the city (Graebner forthcoming). After independence, and particularly during the socialist period, many dansi and taarab artists altered the content of their lyrics. Although songs were still socially meaningful, artists often used their music to praise the government or promote socialist goals. A famous Tanzanian musician of the 1970s, Mbaraka Mwinshehe, composed songs titled “TANU Yajenga Nchi” (“TANU Builds the Nation”), “Kifo cha Pesa” (“Death by Money”), “Miaka 10 ya Uhuru” (“Ten Years after Independence”), and “Mwongozo wa TANU” (“The Guidance of TANU”) (Perullo 2003:84−85). 3 Aside from strong feelings of nationalism after independence, one of the main reasons for prosocialist songs was the control that the government had on the country’s radio station and recording studio. Before the emergence of independent radio stations and recording studios (in the early 1990s), artists typically went to Radio Tanzanian Dar es Salaam (RTD) to record their music.4 To record at RTD, artists had to submit their lyrics to a censor, who often made changes to lyrics that did not support or fit with the socialist direction of the country. Most artists, including Mwinshehe, received a great deal of support from the government when they composed socially and politically appropriate lyrics; to avoid censors’ comments, africa TODAY 78 HOOLIGANS AND HEROES however, other composers wrote lyrics with double entendres and hidden meanings—a practice that has a long history in Swahili poetry (Knappert 1979) and taarab and dansi musical histories (Askew 2002; Fair 2001; Graebner 2000; Knappert 1983; Martin 1980). By the late 1980s, when rap emerged, artists no longer needed to mask the meaning of their words. Artists avoided censors by using the independent radio stations and recording studios that emerged in the early 1990s. Independent radio stations had obligations to avoid offensive material, but rap artists were able to write, record, and air songs about any topic, as long as they did so in a “clean way” (Perullo forthcoming). Messages therefore became more direct than in pre-1990 dansi and taarab music. Currently, many contemporary dansi and taarab artists compose songs with more straightforward lyrics. Liberalization was central in providing youth access to rap. During the mid-1980s, the government, under the presidency of Ali Hassan Mwinyi, began moving its economic policies away from socialism and toward capitalism.5 Liberalization brought about easier access to foreign goods, including hip-hop clothing, music, and magazines, it allowed independent radio stations and newspapers to emerge, and it permitted many potential producers to import equipment needed to record local artists. Because of the emergence of new radio stations, newspapers, and recording studios, many youth were able to fi nd jobs as deejays, announcers, journalists, and producers or engineers. Since many of these youth were also part of the local hip-hop scene, Tanzanian rap quickly attained a strong network of support. Liberalization gave many youth in Dar es Salaam the tools and the medium to promote their views. In preparation for this article, I listened to several hundred rap songs recorded between 1994 and 2003. About half the songs had been commercially released on cassette tapes or compact discs, and the other half had been released to Tanzanian radio stations and recorded for me by radio deejays. Initially, I categorized the songs by the central message of their lyrics; if a song had several messages, I placed it in multiple categories. The broad thematic scope of hip-hop lyrics, from crime to drug use and alcoholism to AIDS, was impressive and daunting. Because of the profusion of ideas in Tanzanian rap, I focus this article on two prevalent categories in rap lyrics: political issues, such as corruption and unfulfi lled promises made by politicians, and social conditions, such as class, education, and the status of women. Specific songs that I discuss were chosen for their popularity (all the songs had been on various radio stations’ top-ten lists) and social importance (in interviews with fans, deejays, producers, and performers, these songs were often mentioned for their popularity). Throughout the article, I place the songs within a social context and, wherever possible, allow the artists to discuss the importance of the songs. In the final section of this article, I examine the reasons why so many rap songs have lyrics that comment on life in Tanzania and do not follow foreign models for rap-music content. Ujumbe Mkali—“Strong Messages” ALEX PERULLO Though Nguvu Kazi has since disappeared, the government still views loitering as a sign of laziness or criminality. This view, however, has done little to diminish the large number of unemployed, urban youth who gather in public areas—referred to as kijiweni, derived from the word kijiwe “pimple.” Even with the local police (askari) occasionally arresting youth or 79 The Human Resources Deployment Act (popularly known as Nguvu Kazi), passed by the Tanzanian government that year [1983], criminalised the urban presence of those without formal employment. As a result of “indiscriminate swoops” on people “loitering” on the streets between 10 a.m. and 2 p.m., 15,000 were arrested in the last three months of 1983. Those without employment were repatriated to their home regions or sent to work on sisal estates. (Burton 2000:2) africa TODAY A dominant theme in Tanzanian hip-hop lyrics is criticism of social and political conditions. Rappers write about problems they see in their communities, such as failing schools, limited employment and fi nancial possibilities, lack of adequate healthcare, and corruption among local leaders. James Nindi, in a 2001 article on Tanzanian rap, writes, “When listening to one of this country’s radio stations, it is common to hear rap songs by our artists with ujumbe mkali [strong messages].” These messages tend to recur in rap lyrics, as each artist sets out to present his or her viewpoint on important topics. The lyrics become a vehicle through which youth articulate their ideas without fear of repercussions. One of the earliest artists to use rap for social commentary was Mr. II. His third album, Niite Mr. II (Call Me Mr. II) (1998), written when he was 25 years old, established a precedent for lyrics that spoke about injustices. As he explains: “I had my own ideas, and I saw the direction that we [Tanzanians] were heading. . . . But who will listen to what I say? Can I climb up on stage and become a politician? It’s not possible. I decided to use music, and to speak directly [to people] with rap” (2000a). The opening dialogue of Niite Mr. II displays the directness and the social message that Mr. II wanted to achieve. The “Intro” track is a conversation between a judge, speaking in a deep, menacing voice, and Mr. II, who sounds unmoved and indifferent.6 While the dialogue between Mr. II and the judge may sound improbable—why would a judge sentence a youth to five years of hard labor for loitering?—loitering is a criminal offense in Tanzania. Since the late 1960s, the Tanzanian government has made efforts to remove youth who loiter from the streets of Dar es Salaam. In 1972, it launched Operation Kupe (Operation Parasite) to send jobless youth in Dar es Salaam to rural areas of the country (Burton 2005 and forthcoming). Four years later, the government initiated Operation Kila Mtu Afanya Kazi (Everyone Must Work). But in 1983, the government made its strongest attack on urban joblessness: Mr. II “Intro” Hakimu: Judge: africa TODAY Kutokana na ushahidi wa upande Based on the evidence presented by wa mashtaka the prosecution Mshatikiwa unaonekana una hatia You are accused of negligence and ya kosa la uzembe na uzururaji. loitering. Hivi basi mahakama Therefore, the court Inakuhukumu miaka mitano jela Hereby sentences you to five years na kazi ngumu au faini ya elfu of hard labor or a fi ne of $20. ishirini. Do you have anything to say for Una lolote la kujitetea? yourself? 80 HOOLIGANS AND HEROES Mr. II: Mr. II: Poa tu, Mheshimiwa Hakimu. Mimi kosa langu ni uzembe na uzururaji kama nilivyoshtakiwa. Sasa, kwa maana hio sina kazi, sio? Sasa ukami nitazofanya? Kwa hiyo nitapoa tu kwenye jela, Yote [ni] maisha. That’s fi ne, Honorable Judge. My crime is negligence and loitering, as I have been accused. So, that means that I don’t have a job. You see? How can I be told to pay the fi ne? So, I will just (go) rot in jail, That’s life. forcing them to pay bribes (Andersson and Stavrou 2001), numerous young people continue to gather in downtown urban areas to discuss their situations and devise strategies for fi nding employment. Mr. II’s introduction is therefore a reminder of the dilemmas youth face: they have no work, nor many opportunities for work, yet they are treated as criminals or vagabonds for sitting idle. By pointing out the hypocrisy of the situation, Mr. II gives a heavy-handed critique of government policies. At the same time, he is emboldening youth to understand their social plight. In the song that follows the “Intro,” he speaks directly to these youth and offers a broader social critique. The laidback music of the song is punctuated with Mr. II’s deep, angry voice. He directs the song at other youth, whom he tells of the obstacles that they continually encounter. He attacks Tanzanian politicians, calling them liars, and hints at the corruption that exists in the country when leaders can remain in power for decades uncontested. In the middle of the next verse, he raps, “I am saying that it is all right for youth to be mad. / This is the real situation. / Yeah! It is all right to be mad. / Who is going to put things right?” With these words, Mr. II tells other youth that they can be angry about social inequality and political incompetence. While not advocating Mr. II “Hali Halisi” (“The Real Situation”) ALEX PERULLO violence, he is encouraging young people to stand up for themselves and voice their opinions. The answer to who is going to put things right is youth themselves. According to Mr. II, young people have the power and the need to make their voices heard. When Mr. II released “Hali Halisi,” it could be heard throughout the country, in rural and urban areas. Shopowners blasted it from their stores, bus drivers let it play repeatedly during their routes, and radio stations aired it several times a day. The cassette Niite Mr. II sold so quickly during the fi rst few months after its release that vendors started inflating 81 Uzalendo unanishinda, miaka inavyokwenda. Naona sura zile zile, viongozi wale wale Toka wakati nipo shule mpaka sasa. Usicheze na siasa, Siasa ni mchezo mchafu Wanataka umaarufu. Wanasiasa wa Bongo wengi waongo. Our lives are hard, even the president knows And we still have our smiles for every situation, Every real situation Everyday it’s us and the police, the police and us. [Pontius] Pilate in the court is waiting for us. The wardens and the jails are waiting for us. In Tanzania, things are not good, Things are still very hard. Greetings to John Paul II Angry citizens are burning people alive. Those of us that do not have jobs, stay hungry. When we are tired of peace, who are we going to fight with? As years go by, I become tired of patriotism. I see the same faces, the same leaders From primary school until the present. Do not play with politics, Politics is a dirty game. They just want to be famous. Lots of Tanzanian politicians are liars. africa TODAY Tuna maisha magumu mpaka rais anafahamu Na bado tunatabasamu kwa kila hali, Ni hali halisi Kila siku ni sisi na polisi na polisi na sisi. Pilato kizimbani anatungoja sisi. Bwana jela gerezani anatungoja sisi. Bongo mambo siyo mazuri,7 Jua bado kali. Salamu kwa Papa John Paul wa pili Wananchi wenye hasira wachoma watu moto. Tusio na kazi sasa tuko na matumbo joto. Tutapochoka amani tutapigana na nani? africa TODAY 82 HOOLIGANS AND HEROES its cost to make more money, but it still sold out within days after every new shipment. The popularity of the song and the album reflected the way that Tanzanians, particularly youth in urban areas, identified with Mr. II’s message. Though some people did criticize Mr. II for being too vocal and disrespectful of his elders, many others rejoiced in a rap anthem that reflected their concerns. The song was important for uniting disenfranchised youth who believed that the government was discriminating against them and not serving their interests. After the release of Mr. II’s album, many other artists incorporated similar political and social themes in their music. While I address social concerns below, it is worth looking at the development of politically based lyrics here to highlight the progression of one theme promulgated in rap lyrics. Before and after the 2000 presidential election, several songs that critiqued the local political situation appeared. Most of them attacked corruption, inefficient government spending, and the use of Western aid to line wealthy Tanzanians’ pockets. Several artists used language to target specific audiences. In the song “Ngangari” (“Brave Person”), Magangwe Mob, also spelled Gangwe Mobb, employed slang from the Temeke section of Dar es Salaam to speak about political issues relevant to that part of the city. The select use of language created pride among members of the Temeke community, who often attended Magangwe Mob concerts with banners heralding their home district and neighborhoods. Despite the heavy use of Temeke-centric speech, “Ngangari” eventually garnered a large listening audience throughout Dar es Salaam (Perullo and Fenn 2003). Other artists limited slang and used “standard” Kiswahili in their political raps. In “Mwananchi” (“Citizen,” 2001), Balozi Dola warned Tanzanians about the difficulties involved in choosing a new president. He composed the rap to “awaken people and have them speak out about how they feel” (Dola 2004). In the opening verse, he states his position on the role that citizens need to play in contemporary politics. Dola does not name politicians, but the song can be read as a critique of how CCM, the dominant political party, has governed. In one form or another, CCM has been in power in Tanzania since independence. To Dola, the policies of its government have exacerbated Tanzanians’ problems: I was really angry to see that CCM continued in their usual tradition of promising what they were not going to deliver. Sitting outside my home at Ilala [a district in Dar es Salaam], I started to look around me and see the improvised state that people live in—from muddy houses with thatched straws to brick houses with no lights, dirt all over the place. Most live off selling vegetables and fruits that cost a few cents, and they will be lucky to earn $3 a day, not enough to feed an extended family of five to ten people. The government preaches that gospel of democracy and the promise of a better tomorrow, but they don’t fully understand what it means. (2004) Balozi Dola “Mwananchi” (“Citizen”) Mwananchi mimi nina nini? Kwenye nchi yenye kila aina ya mali asili Zaidi ya masakini uliokithiri Blaming the CCM government for its lack of effort in assisting ordinary people, Dola’s song references the wealth of the country that never reaches the majority of the city. Calling for change and new leadership, Dola implores citizens to evaluate the candidates for whom they vote. The line “Considering we have smart people to solve our problems” entreats Tanzanians to look for an intelligent leader, not one who simply follows the practices of previous administrations. “Mwananchi” made an impact among radio listeners. The 2000 presidential elections had just ended, with CCM retaining power. Many people believed that the elections would perpetuate the problems of the past. Dola describes the song’s reception after it was broadcast on radio: DJ LP played the song on Africa FM.8 He asked callers to call in and say what they felt about the song. It was like a townhall-meeting type of atmosphere, with a lot of angry people calling in to say that the policies of CCM were not working, and accusing leaders of being corrupt and incompetent to lead. LP had to switch the topic because it started to get out of hand. (2004) ALEX PERULLO We don’t want a leader that’s going to sell our country off and change our flag. 83 Let’s be very careful, so that we choose leaders with wisdom, Leaders with visions of progress We want patriotic leaders. africa TODAY Na vipi tuwe na vitu vyote hivi na mfukoni tusiwena chochote? Swala hila ndani iliulizwa kichwa Hasa ukizingitia kwamba Bongo tuna vichwa vingetatua matatizo yetu yote. Wananchi wenzangu, tunapochagua kiongozi wetu hapa kwetu Tuemakini ili tuchague viongozi wenye busara, Viongozi wenye ishara ya maendeleo Tunataka mzalendo wala ushiba na kujaa maji ya bandera. Tusijatuchagua mtu wa kuuza yetu nchi na kubadalisha yetu bandera. What do I have as a citizen? In a country with abundant natural resources Other than the inherent poverty that keeps increasing How can we have all this and have nothing in our pockets? This situation keeps blowing my mind Considering we have smart people to solve our problem. My fellow citizens, when we choose our leaders africa TODAY 84 HOOLIGANS AND HEROES Although most rappers believe that they are free to state their opinions in rhythm, none directly mentions individuals or political parties in their lyrics. The same can be said of radio announcers. With the wave of angry callers, DJ LP most likely feared negative repercussions from airing so many criticisms of CCM. Since several radio stations in Dar es Salaam are owned by businessmen who support CCM or rely on CCM’s support to advance their business concerns, DJ LP was unlikely to allow such explicit commentary to be heard on his show. Nonetheless, the effect of Dola’s song was clear within the fi rst few minutes of the broadcast: it formed a bond among those youth who blamed CCM for many of the country’s problems; and it created an outlet for listeners to voice their views of the country’s political leaders. After the 2000 presidential election, drawing listeners’ attention to a song by listing problems with government policies and practices became more difficult. Artists could still rap about corruption, political negligence, and misguided governance, but they needed to present these ideas in new ways. In the early 2000s, one of the best ways to critique politics, as well as social and economic situations, was through humor. Humor allowed artists to continue to make ujumbe mkali, while listeners could laugh at the absurdity of country’s political environment. One popular Tanzanian rap that mixed politics with humor was “Ndio Mzee”(“Yes Elder”), by Professor Jay. In the song, Professor Jay acts as a knowledgeable elder proposing numerous ways to transform the country and rid it of its problems (Jay 2001b). Youth commonly call one another by the term mzee, which means “elder” in Kiswahili: in a subtle alteration of language, they appropriate the social power of being called mzee. In “Ndio Mzee,” however, Jay becomes a real elder (someone senior in age) and a politician, to highlight what he sees as the inadequacies of the country’s leaders. The song shows the falseness and absurdity of real elders’ promises. In the transcription and translation below, the voice of the elder politician appears without quotes, while the answer of a group of supporters appears in quotes. “Ndiyo Mzee” was extremely popular in Dar es Salaam in 2001, when it was released. It dominated airplay on many local radio stations, and the lyrics were repeated and sung by Tanzanian youth—a practice that often occurs when a song reflects common concerns. Having attended political speeches or heard them on the radio, many urban Tanzanians understood that politicians made extravagant promises during their campaigns, but these promises were rarely fulfi lled, and only acted as a means for garnering votes or political support. While broken promises by politicians are certainly not isolated to Tanzanian politics, many Tanzanians have become cynical of their leaders’ extravagant claims for fi xing the country’s problems. Professor Jay seizes on this cynicism to present a politician rallying support during a speech. In the opening verse, the politician makes confident statements about his political abilities. After recognizing the problems that exist, he tells his audience that he will bring major changes if elected. Professor Jay “Ndio Mzee” (“Yes, Elder”) Nipe hiyo nafasi jamani Hamuoni hali ni mbaya? Nataka kuigeuza Tanzania kama Ulaya. Hivi nanii, ni vijimambo, “Ndiyo Mzee.” Na vinanikera kweli kweli mimi, “Ndiyo Mzee.” Basi hali itabadilika, sawa? “Ndiyo Mzee.” Na hatamu tutaishika,okay? “Ndiyo Mzee.” Every person will get theirs, conductors and ticket takers. I will make Tanzanians happy, “Yes Mzee.” I am accepted, am I not? “Yes Mzee.” So, I am your Savior my friends, “Yes Mzee.” And I will get rid of all your problems, “Yes Mzee.” These things, they are infuriating, “Yes Mzee.” And they really annoy me, “Yes Mzee.” So, things will change, okay? “Yes Mzee.” And, I will take the reins [as a political official] okay? “Yes Mzee.” ALEX PERULLO Watu wa vijijini watasahau habari za visima. Nitafadhili wachawi waweze kutengeneza ndege. Kila mtu awe na yake, makonda na wapiga debe. Si mtafurahi waTanzania jamani, “Ndiyo Mzee.” Si ni kweli nakubalika jamani, “Ndiyo Mzee.” Basi mimi Mkombozi wenu, Jama, “Ndiyo Mzee.” Na nitafuta shida zenu zote, “Ndiyo Mzee.” 85 Mabomba yatatoa maji na maziwa nchi nzima. Students will do their practical on the moon. In the hospital, I will put as much medicine as there is sand. I will open [bank] accounts for every young child. Pipes will deliver water and milk to the entire country. Villagers will forgot [problems] with wells. I will help witchdoctors build airplanes. africa TODAY Cha kwanza nitakachikifanya, nitafuta umasikini. Wanafunzi mtafanyia practical mwezini. Kwenye mahospitali, nitamwaga dawa kama mchanga. Nitafungua account kwa kila mtoto mchanga. I would like to take this opportunity my friends Can’t you see how bad things are? I would like to change Tanzania to be like Europe. The fi rst thing that I will do is abolish poverty. africa TODAY 86 HOOLIGANS AND HEROES Along with turning Tanzania into Europe, he will bring milk, water, bank accounts, and medicine. The absurdity of his claims, with Tanzanians’ real desire for some of them to materialize, creates the humor of the song. Hip-hop lyrics help legitimize youth ideologies to the broader public, adults and elders. Often, this process is difficult to notice, as changes in perception are subtle and based on individual relations to a song. Occasionally, however, responses to rap lyrics surface in public spaces. In a speech in Mtwara, the south of Tanzania, President Benjamin Mkapa reportedly said there is no room in his government for people who have a policy of “ndio mzee.”9 The comment, received with great laughter at the meeting, used Professor Jay’s song to make the point that politicians should no longer be able to make bold claims and exaggerate their abilities. Mkapa’s speech emphasized the potential for rap lyrics to reach even the highest levels of government, thereby empowering the voices of youth. This remark pleased Professor Jay, who relished the fact that his words could have such a significant impact.10 Mkapa’s use of Professor Jay’s lyric can be viewed as a political tactic: he humorously acknowledged criticisms of his administration while commenting that people who make false promises were no longer allowed in his government, diffusing the tension created by public interest in the song. But does this mean that Professor Jay’s rap will effect actual changes in the Mkapa administration? Unlikely. While public interest in “Ndio Mzee” was enough for Mkapa to take notice, the lyrics are only part of a movement for changes to be made in government: Tanzanian journalists, radio announcers, television personalities, businessmen, academics, and others take part in the dialogue supporting or criticizing the administration. Nonetheless, rap, as exemplified by “Ndio Mzee,” is powerful enough to reach mass audiences quickly, influence people’s (particularly youths’) outlook on issues, and place pressures on various areas of Tanzanian society. Since freedom of speech has increased during the postsocialist period and youth control many areas of the media, rappers’ lyrics quickly move into broader public spaces, encouraging comment and reaction. The effects of these lyrics depend on individual listeners. In certain circumstances, a well-articulated rap can strengthen the presence of youth voices, opinions, and ideologies in contemporary society. Social Conditions Rap songs that discuss politics are often angry and resentful; even the humorous ones have a resentful undertone. Though they do not blame any particular individual, there is a sense, as Mr. II states, that politics is a dirty game, one that will never become clean. Some nonpolitical Tanzanian hip-hop songs, however, present an even direr message. Rap songs about social conditions are often far grimmer than political commentary, since they add personal narratives that explore the harsher realities of living in urban Africa. africa TODAY 87 ALEX PERULLO A prominent theme of raps about social conditions is unemployment. Songs such as Uswahili Matola’s “Ajira kwa Vijana” (“Employment for Youth”) and Juma Nature and AY’s “Biashara ya Utumwe” (“Slave Business”) comment on the difficulties of living in a city where youth are more likely to be seen on streetcorners than in workplaces. Several rap artists comment on Tanzanians’ standards of living. Songs such as Wachuja Nafaka’s “Dhiki” (“Hardships”), the Daznundaz’s “Maji ya Shingo” (“Up to One’s Neck”), and Hardmad’s “Picha Halisi” (“The Real Picture”) present listeners with some of the “realities” of growing up poor and in impoverished conditions. Since the emergence of rap in Tanzania, artists have commented on AIDS. One of the most popular AIDS-oriented raps of the past few years has been Mwanafalsafa’s “Alikufa kwa Ngoma” (“He Died of AIDS,” 2002). Mwanafalsafa narrates the story of a youth who tells his friends to protect themselves from AIDS by using condoms. At the end of the song, however, the youth himself dies of AIDS. Even though he had told his friends to use condoms, he himself never had. In the video for the song, Mwanafalsafa is shown in a coffin, dramatizing the results of dying for sex. In many raps about social issues, the past is presented through an idyllic lens of positivism, nationalism, and hopefulness. Professor Jay raps: “The current situation in Bongo [Tanzania] is not like the past (Bongo ya sasa siyo ya mwaka arobaini na saba).”11 He goes on to list the country’s problems (older women becoming prostitutes, youth fighting one another for jobs, and the lack of humanity and respect in Dar es Salaam), implying that these problems did not occur in the past. Other artists look to the United States or Europe as the solution to Tanzania’s difficulties. In “Ingeuwa Vipi?” (“What Would it be Like?”), Mwanafalsafa asks: “What would it be like if Bongo was like New York?” The message of these and similar songs is that things were better in the past, or they are better in other countries. For these artists, Tanzania is in a state of economic and social decay, where the conditions of daily life are worse than at any other time in the country’s recent history. Many Tanzanian rap artists also examine class issues in their lyrics. Magangwe Mob consists of two artists, Inspekta Haroun and Luteni Kalama, both from Temeke. Using local vernacular and discussing life in the “ghetto,” they voice underprivileged urban Tanzanians’ concerns. Even their name comments on their musical agenda. Inspekta Haroun explains, “Gangwe is a patient person who endures many problems. We decided to call ourselves Magangwe Mob because, with our music, we are able to endure living in a tough environment” (2001). Music became a way to cope with the problems of living in the “ghetto,” a term Haroun uses to refer to his home area. The song “Mtoto wa Gheti Kali” (“Upper Class Girl”) is an example of Magangwe Mob’s attempt to compare lifestyles between the rich and the poor in Dar es Salaam. Inspekta Haroun, who wrote the lyrics, discusses his interest with an upper-class girl. Through the song, he discusses how he wants to speak with her, but does not know what to say; how her family owns many cars, but he does not even have a bike; how she wears all sorts africa TODAY 88 HOOLIGANS AND HEROES of makeup, but he remains gozigozi (a black African); and, how he does not even have enough money to buy Big G (a type of cheap bubblegum, similar to the American Bazooka Joe). In one verse, he describes what would happen if the wealthy girl visited his home. The language Haroun uses to explain his home is a humorous exploration of class. The passport-sized toilet refers to outdoor latrines where the user’s head appears over the top of the thatch walls when she or he stands. The food consists of dona, a bad-tasting porridge made of corn flour and okra, a cheap vegetable. The women’s home is lavish in comparison. Through using phrases and ideas drawn from poverty, Haroun uses language to heighten the class tension that is the focus of his rap. Listeners connect with these linguistic cues and acknowledge their proximity to the world that Haroun explores in rhyme. Many of my Tanzanian male friends laughed hysterically while listening to “Mtoto wa Gheti Kali.” They enjoyed repeating the lyrics as they confronted their fears of fi nding a girlfriend who would be willing to endure their poverty (many Tanzanian males believe that you cannot marry a women until you have a sufficient and steady income). On one evening, a group of us sat together and each started a line of the song. Before each person fi nished, everyone else had joined in reciting the lyric. By the time we arrived at a humorous moment—as when Haroun stutters upon fi rst meeting the wealthy woman—the group broke into ecstatic laughter. Almost no other words were spoken except the lyrics of “Mtoto wa Gheti Kali.” Magangwe Mob’s rap became a voice for the concerns of many male youth. It created solidarity among mostly male lower-class residents of the city, who fi nd their poverty to be a heavy weight on their ability not only to make a living, but also to engage in honest relationships. Education is an important concern for Tanzanian youth. With failing schools, limited resources in classrooms, and teachers who fail the same national examinations that they teach to their students, youth are aware of the problems that exist in their schools (The East African 2001; Galabawa et.al. 2000). Some raps about education, such as Mash Y’s “Kisa cha Mwanafunzi” (“The Student’s Story”) and Jay Moe’s “Maisha ya Boarding” (“Life of Boarding School”), explore the experiences of life in Tanzanian schools. Many praise other students while helping them understand the difficulties that can occur in the classroom. Other artists put more energy into critiquing the failures of the country’s educational system. Joni Woka’s “Walimu” (“Teachers”) comments on the reasons teachers are unable to educate their students. Woka takes on the persona of a drunken teacher complaining about issues that teachers encounter. On paper, these lyrics sound angry, cold, and full of contempt, yet Woka minimizes their directness by slurring and slowing his words, just as a drunk person might. When he asks, “I asked a question. Why aren’t you answering?” the effect is less confrontational than humorous. He even belches after the question, diffusing the sort of tension he expects to be building in the song. Magangwe Mob “Mtoto wa Gheti Kali” (“Upper Class Girl”) Despite the tactics of defusing the confrontation, the rap still questions the commitment listeners have to the country’s teachers. Why are teachers struggling with such low salaries? Why are so few teachers in the classroom and so many on the street? Given the state of education in Tanzania, Woka’s questions have a strong impact. There are few teachers in the classroom. Most do not teach during regular class hours, as they hope to force students to pay for “tuition,” which is after-school training. Many teachers take on additional jobs, such as selling goods on the street, leaving minimal time for classroom preparation and instruction. As a result, many students drop out of schools to earn an income, rather than spend money on school fees (Tripp 1997:129−130). Those who remain in schools may learn little, or be left with, in Woka’s words, “empty heads.” Women and Urban Society Of all of the material that I placed in the social-conditions category, songs about the plight of women in urban society are the most controversial. Most Tanzanians agree that unemployment, poverty, class struggles, education, and AIDS are problems in their country; therefore, songs that discuss these issues are typically well received. But songs that discuss gender inequalities are far more divisive among general listeners. The attitude of many urban males in Dar es Salaam is that women are inferior, second-class citizens, who need to rely on men for guidance and support (Che-Mponda 1991); they view women as sex symbols and objects of desire. As a result, women often ALEX PERULLO Mud buildings, toilet made of thatch, passport size, Tell me, Where do we welcome her? At her home she is used to sitting on a sofa In a sitting room on a veranda, Eyes on a television, Food presented buffet style, Served with seven types of vegetables In my poverty stricken home, we peck at dona and okra. She make me crazy. 89 Aaah ananipagawisha. The problem is when she’ll want to see my home africa TODAY Tatizo ni pale atakapohitaji kutembelea nyumbani wakati kwetu Jumba la udongo, choo cha makuti, passport size, Ni tonye, Ni tumkaribishe wapi? Kwao kashazoea kuketi sofani, Sitting room, varandani, Jicho kideoni, Msosi wa draft, self service, Mboga saba kujisevia Kwetu ngangari, dona bamia. Joni Woka “Walimu” (“Teachers”) africa TODAY Walimu tuna hali ngumu. Na sisi tuna umuhimu. Tutazua kitimutimu, Hadi Wizara ya Elimu. ... Haki mnatetea walimu sijasikia. Hivi vilio vya walimu mnavisikia? Au mnaamua tu kuvichunia? Maisha yao duni mnachekelea. Wakifanya biashara ndogo mnawakemea. 90 HOOLIGANS AND HEROES We teachers have a hard life. But we are important. We will march and cause trouble, All the way to the Ministry of Education, ... I have not heard you defending teachers. So you hear the teachers’ cries? Or have you decided to ignore them? You are happy with their poor Mshahara mdogo ataishi vipi huyu standard of life. If they engage in some petty Kama si kuuza pipi na ubuyu? Watoto wenu wanatukana darasani business you reprimand them. With the small salary how will Wanapiga walimu hawana kitu kichwani. this teacher live If not by selling candies and Hivi matatizo haya yataisha lini? tamarind? Your children use profanities in OK let us go kijijini. class They beat up their teachers, but Na hii inanitia uchungu moyoni. Walimu watatu tu wapo shuleni. they have empty heads. When will these problems end? Wagawane masomo waingie OK let us go to the village. darasani. Wakati mitaani walimu wamejazana And this causes pain in my heart. Wakitoka vyuoni ajira hakuna. There are only three teachers in the school. Ngoja niweke lilizo langu bayana: They divide the classes and go to Bila walimu viongozi wangetoka teach. wapi? While there are many teachers on the streets Nauliza sasa mbona mnanyamaza? When they graduate from college, there is no employment. Let me lay out my complaint in the open: Without teachers how would we have gotten leaders? I asked a question, why aren’t you answering? africa TODAY 91 ALEX PERULLO become victims of domestic violence and public beatings (Moyer 2003: chapter 8); some become prostitutes to gain fi nancial independence, and many are excluded from the best and most lucrative jobs. Even though many people in Dar es Salaam view women as inferior to men, Tanzania has organizations, media programming, and cultural groups that promote gender equality. Radio shows carry programs about women’s ability to divorce, own property, and protect themselves in sexual encounters. Television shows teach youth about the roles that men and women need to play in protecting themselves from HIV/AIDS. Organizations such as the Tanzania Gender Networking Programme (TGNP) hold meetings, training workshops, and lectures on gender issues. These forums tend to debate issues respectfully and use education as a means to empower men and women to make changes. Several rappers, however, choose more confrontational tactics to transform local cultural practices and attack specific social elements that they believe need to be changed. The fi rst rap artist to confront the treatment of women in Tanzanian society openly and directly was Mr. II, whose song “Chini ya Miaka Kumi na Nane” (“Under the Age of 18”) became the most popular rap in Tanzania in late 2000. It discusses the distress of a girl who becomes involved in transactional sex, and her subsequent status. The personal narrative style that Mr. II uses adds to the overall affect of the song. Through using his encounters with one girl, he personalizes the struggles that women endure. It is an effective means of making listeners understand that the plight of women is something real, something visible, and something human. In this way, listeners sympathize with the girl, or, at least, learn about the problems of young, female Tanzanians. Toward the end of the song, Mr. II speaks directly to women: “I will not call you bad names / I will not call you a prostitute. . . . / Us men are uncivilized.” He then quietly repeats the word pole “sorry”. The point of the song is to illustrate the problems that young girls encounter and recognize that men need to change how they view and interact with women. Since Mr. II was an important figure in Tanzanian society at the time he wrote the song, his words influenced people’s conceptions of women. Radio shows, such as “Deiwaka” on Radio Uhuru and “Dr. Beat” on Clouds FM, aired the rap and discussed its meaning. Listeners called in and debated the importance of the song. Newspapers and magazines carried stories about Mr. II and his music (Ngahyoma 2001; Osiah 2001). Even though many of these outlets typically shied away from directly discussing the hardships that women face, Mr. II’s narrative made a sensitive topic more accessible. People could ask, “What do you think about the woman that Mr. II encountered?” They did not need to describe women’s shame or “bad life,” but could instead use the encounter as a basis for debate. Though many public dialogues about “Chini ya Miaka Kumi na Nane” raised questions about women’s status in Tanzanian society, several radio personalities and authors misinterpreted the lyrics of the song. In an album review in the glossy rap magazine Rockers, Seer writes, “The fi fth Mr. II “Chini ya Miaka Kumi na Nane” (“Under the Age of 18”) africa TODAY Ana miaka chini ya kumi na nane Wanamwita malaya Kilio nikimtazama, macho yanatazama chini Hawezi kunitazama usoni. Ana uzuli moyoni. Hana tena furaha maishani. Sitamwita kwa jina nitamwita binti fulani. 92 HOOLIGANS AND HEROES ... Kila na anapopita watu wanamtazama kama cinema. Hataweza kurudi kwa baba na mama. Anaishi maisha mabaya. Hawamwita tena kwa jina, wanamwita malaya. She is under 18 years old They call her a prostitute Every time I look at her, her eyes are looking down She can’t look at me in the face. She has beauty in her heart. She no longer has happiness in her life. I can’t call her by name, I call her the daughter of so-and-so. ... Whenever she passes, people look at her like a movie. She can’t return to her father or mother. She lives a bad life. They will not call her by name again; they will call her a prostitute. track admonishes our loose and way [sic] ward sisters from becoming playa fodder. A mere stiletto step away from the lows of prostitution and fi nally the slammer, all before their 18th birthday” (2000). Seer places the blame for prostitution on sexually active women who stray from social norms, implying that all women can easily become prostitutes. His interpretation highlights the Tanzanian difficulty in discussing gender issues, even with regard to a song meant to question specific cultural practices. After “Chini ya Miaka Kumi na Nane,” only a few artists rapped as directly and clearly about Tanzanian women’s struggles. King Crazy GK rapped about young women’s plight in “Sisters,” and many others, including Professor Jay and Balozi Dola, included in their songs verses that discussed women’s life in Dar es Salaam. Several years after Mr. II’s song, female rappers began to address the situation. Their delay reflects the difficulties they face in becoming performers. Many who perform as entertainers in public are quickly labeled prostitutes (Perullo 2003). Girls are at a disadvantage when learning to rap, since, according to several artists, they are expected to return home after school to help with chores, while boys can do other things, such as practice rapping. Many families do not let their daughters out at night, when most rap concerts occur, for fear that something bad will happen to them. Therefore, female voices are often neglected in public discourses on social injustices. africa TODAY 93 ALEX PERULLO Since 2001, however, several female artists, such as Ray C, Sista P, and Zay B, have become popular in the Tanzanian rap scene. Zay B, whose real name is Zainab Lipangile, has made a name for herself with tough, socially conscious lyrics. Having performed in clubs in Dar es Salaam, released an album (Mama Afrika, 2002), and earned the respect of many fans, she has used her music as a voice to empower Tanzanian women. One of her more poignant songs, “Mama Afrika” (“Mother Africa”), speaks directly to young women—sometimes called children (watoto) in the lyrics—and comments on their need to take control of their lives. The opening verse of “Mama Afrika” is striking for two reasons. First, the lyrics are bold and aggressive. Zay B warns “children” not to “walk” with elders (to walk is slang for “to have sex”). She notes that men give gifts to women in return for sex. Well-off men (buzi) provide women with gifts, including candy, food, drinks, and clothes.12 They often give these gifts at clubs, such as the Aqwa. Zay B suggests that the gifts are insignificant, not worth the problems that sex can cause. Importantly, she uses the word rape to refer to the sexual act of wealthy men buying the sexual favors of young “children.” Second, the opening verse attempts to unify women to take control of their lives. In the chorus of the song, Zay B calls all women of the continent “Mother Africa,” and tells them to not fall behind, but to get a good education. She directs them to be careful and to not “play” around, since life is fi lled with traps. She ends the verse by telling women that the choice of their futures is in their hands: if they want to end up hawking cheap goods (“rice fritters”) on the streets, that is a choice that they y make. Unlike Mr. II, who blames men for mistreating women, Zay B tells women that the problems they encounter are due to their decisions. The better choices women make, the better able they will be to make a prosperous living. Zay B wrote “Mama Afrika” to strengthen women’s position in Tanzania. She says, “Many Tanzanian women are reticent and have no confidence. . . . This song encouraged a lot of women to be stronger. Even men told me that they agreed with the song’s message” (2005). Although her song was popular, few subsequent rappers have tackled similar issues so directly. (Even she has not released any new material since 2002.) Typically, a theme that becomes popular is recycled in numerous raps. Because of the tension that rap about gender can cause, up-and-coming artists are unlikely to release a song about women’s social roles. Established rappers may not agree that gender is the most important issue to present in socially conscious rap, or that it even needs to be discussed. Further, many female artists fi nd more success rapping about love, romance, and personal strength. Rap about gender equality is therefore bound to stay on the periphery of the Tanzanian hip-hop scene. Zay B “Mama Afrika” africa TODAY Watoto wa kike wanabakwa Kwa ajili ya pipipipi na offa za Aqwa. Tunadhalilisha na kuonekana chombo cha starehe. Tujaribu kujitunza. Watoto wadogo msiende kutembea na wazee. Fuatini wosia, hiyo tabia isiendelee 94 Tujithamini na tujiheshimu. Tusikae nyuma tuzingatie elimu HOOLIGANS AND HEROES Wazazi tuwape heshima zao. Watoto tusiwatie wazimu. Kujirusha poa hakuna noma kama kawaida, Lakini unakuwa take care. Siyo unacheza kama makinda Hasa mnaochipukia hamjui wapi mnakimbilia Mnaleta mapepe, angalia Mnacheza na dunia. Ishi kijanjajanja. Mtego unaotega unajifanya unajua Shauri lako utaishia kuuza vitumbua. Girls are raped When they are offered gifts at Aqwa. We are demeaned like an object of pleasure. We should take care of ourselves. Children, do not walk with male elders. Follow these orders so that these traits do not continue We value and respect ourselves. Let’s not fall behind, let’s focus on our education Parents should respect us. Children, let us not push adults to insanity. There is nothing wrong with having fun, But, you should take care. Don’t act immature Especially since, as you grow, you don’t know where you are running to You bring about silliness, look out You are playing with the world. Life is cunning. The trap you set for yourself, you will know It is your problem if you live to sell rice fritters. Reasons for Ujumbe Mkali ALEX PERULLO A few years later, as lyrics started to be composed in Kiswahili rather than English, Tanzanians relied less on the lyrical content of American rap; instead, they localized rap with ideas and themes that exemplified their own struggles. The combination of linguistic changes and the localization 95 I started to rap in O level, when I was in the seventh grade. In 1989, there were many different styles of rap music being heard in Tanzania. During this time, I listened to rap such as Public Enemy’s “Fight the Power.” This music really drew me straightaway to become a rapper because I saw the way that a black man was able to search for his own thing [identity]. Public Enemy had the power to stand somewhere and speak with people. Those people listened to what the group had to say, and followed their message, so it was this type of thing that drew me to rap—people such as Public Enemy, L. L. Cool J, KRS-One, and others like that. (2001a) africa TODAY In many countries, rap has political and socially conscious lyrics. In Brazil, Senegal, South Africa, Japan, and the United States, rappers have turned the basic form—rhyming over beats—into a powerful voice for youth ideologies (Mitchell 2001; Watkins 2004). Part of the reason for this style of lyrics reflects the origins of the genre. During the 1970s in New York City, rap emerged as part of hip-hop culture, which included graffiti, breakdancing, and deejaying; essentially, it functioned to get people to dance, and was not a kind of “urban streetgeist” (Samuels 2004:148). As its popularity grew and it was disseminated through albums and concerts, its verbal meanings changed, and it engaged larger audiences of people, rather than just those on a dance floor (Dimitriadis 2001). Groups such as Public Enemy and Boogie Down Productions brought elements of urban, African-American lifestyles into public consciousness (Rose 1994:11). This process attracted young people from various sociocultural backgrounds, nationally and internationally (Bennett 2004:179). It produced lyrics that were political and commented directly on social issues. It was around this time, the mid-1980s, that many Tanzanian youth fi rst heard rap. Initially, mostly affluent youth has access to it, since they could rely on relatives and friends in Europe or the United States to send them albums and cassettes. These youth, such as Conway Francis and Fresh X, either mimicked the American rap they heard, or wrote raps that reflected the ideas on the albums. By the late 1980s, youth from all over Tanzania had become interested in rap, particularly as the copying of albums and cassettes had become prevalent. Since many Tanzanians heard the music of rappers who spoke about daily life (performers such as Public Enemy, KRS-One, and NWA), they brought this element into their own musical compositions. Professor Jay explains: africa TODAY 96 HOOLIGANS AND HEROES of lyrics allowed Tanzanian rap to appeal to a broad audience throughout Tanzania. Aside from the influence of American rap, the Dar es Salaam music scene plays an important role in shaping the content of rap lyrics. To receive airtime or a distribution contract, artists often have to listen to the advice of deejays, record producers, and, less commonly, record distributors. The leaders of this industry, many of whom are youth themselves, enforce strict guidelines for rap lyrics. Songs have to be about important social issues, make sense to local listeners, and avoid the topics of violence and sex. John Dilinga, a radio announcer on East Africa FM (a Tanzanian radio station), explains: “If I know you and your music is bad—that is, if it does not make any sense to society—I do not play it. If I think that it is leading society astray, I do not play it. If I think that it is educating society, I play it and promote it” (2002). Since deejays act as gatekeepers and thereby greatly influence the success and popularity of songs, rappers need to be sure that some of the content that they submit to radio shows is socially or culturally significant. To avoid cursing is also an important part of the local rap scene, since most Tanzanians consider swearing unacceptable in public. Taji Liundi, manager and radio announcer at Times FM, explains why Tanzanian rappers do not swear, even though their American counterparts do: That is because from the very beginning I was the only one playing hip hop on radio and I decided that I am not going to put on the songs with the explicit content. If they [the artists] brought music in that had cursing, I would not play it. And at concerts, I would get them off the stage, make a lot of noise, and look disappointed. (2000) Tanzanian rappers, fans, and radio announcers discourage the use of profanity or vulgar language in hip-hop songs. The rap community usually ignores artists who curse in English, and no one, to my knowledge, has rapped a song in Kiswahili with vulgar lyrics (although several groups have had their songs pulled from the radio because people thought the content too strong). As Liundi points out, the rap community is direct about discouraging vulgarity in rap because it distracts from the message in the song. Tanzania’s socialist past also affects contemporary rap music. Although socialism officially ended in the 1980s, it remains an important influence on local cultural and educational practices. Many musicians view their role in society as educators of the public—a conception that was greatly strengthened during the socialist period. Tanzanian rappers adopted this “educational voice” in an attempt to legitimize their music to a wider community and form an outlet for youth voices. An “educational voice” allows youth to disrupt conceptions that people have of youth as hooligans. In commenting on the need for more educational music, Wilfred Edwin writes in the Tanzanian newspaper Business Times, “Musicians ALEX PERULLO Rap has become popular all over Africa, and has availed youth on the continent opportunities to create their own identities as popular musicians. Almost anyone can participate in the genre, since it is both cheap (i.e., does not require instruments) and widely accessible (on radio, television, schools, and clubs). In Tanzania, it dominates the daily lives of many urban youth. Though many Tanzanians still see it as a music for hooligans, no other occupation has lifted youth so dramatically out of poverty into wealth and fame. Several Tanzanian rappers have become wealthy and bought new cars, homes, and fancy clothes; several groups have traveled to Europe, the United States, and other areas of East Africa. For people growing up in Tanzania, those who fi nd success in rap are far from hooligans: they are role models and knowledge holders, who openly discuss the problems that Tanzanian youth encounter. This conclusion does not imply that Tanzanian youth hold a unified vision for their country. As several authors have commented in other contexts, “It should be clear that ‘youth’ is not seen as a unified entity with a collective consciousness in pursuit of clearly defi ned objectives” (Van Zyl Slabbert et al. 1994:15). Tanzanian youth are no exception. They frequently disagree on many issues, both in lyrics and in conversation. They often debate topics and, though rarely, have slandered one another in song. Tanzanian rap lyrics are not always about political or social issues: nearly the same number of artists currently release material about partying, dancing, and love as they do with ujumbe mkali. For many Tanzanian youth, rap songs with ujumbe mkali exist to destroy stereotypical notions of youth culture, solidify and strengthen local communities, and correct problems that appear in everyday life. As an empowering form of legitimization, rap gives voice to many youth, often labeled as marginal, violent, or lost. And while these labels have meaning 97 Conclusion africa TODAY have failed to utilize the opportunity by informing and educate [sic] their audience, but have some [sic] how managed to dwindle and misinform them. Those old goldies taught us a great deal of lessons. Even if one would not know what is happening, he was likely to be told through the music” (2003:10). Edwin comments that “old goldies,” which generally means songs written after independence and during the socialist period, were far more educational than contemporary music; several rap groups, however, are an exception: “Thanks to some of the hip hop and rap musicians like Wagosi wa Kaya, Johnnie Walker and Mr. Ebbo for delivering to the mass [sic] current and vibrant messages which educate their audience. They should keep the spirits up” (Edwin 2003:10).13 Many other Tanzanians, particularly those of the generations that grew up under socialism, similarly conceive of music. It is this audience, as well as the country’s young people, that youth hope to reach when incorporating educational issues in their music. in certain contexts, the labels creative, empowered, and socially conscious are important to comprehend the state of contemporary youth in Africa. KR, a rapper from the groups G.W.M. and Wachuja Nafaka, states, “Rappers are modern poets because whatever they write is able to shake up the minds of even older people. That is why I can say that now, here in Bongo [Tanzania], rap music is more popular than any other genre” (2000). africa TODAY ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I am grateful to Deo Ngonyani and Ahmed Dola for their comments on the transcriptions and translations of the lyrics found in this article. All errors or omissions, however, are my own. 98 HOOLIGANS AND HEROES NOTES 1. One author reported that unemployment in Tanzania is at 13 percent (Mihayo 2003). Not only is it unclear how Mihayo arrived at this statistic, but it seems improbably low. A significant percentage of employment in Tanzania is in the informal sector. Formal employment is limited—which would make unemployment figures much higher than 13 percent; unemployment in Tanzania is likelier nearer to Kenya’s 40 percent. 2. In this article, I use the term youth to translate the Kiswahili word kijana. Generally, kijana refers to any young person between the ages of 15 and 30, but it can also refer to unmarried older individuals. 3. Tanzania African National Union (TANU) was the government’s political party between 1961 and 1977. After merging with the Zanzibar Afro-Shirazi Party (ASP), it became the Chama cha Mapinduzi (CCM) or the Revolutionary Party. 4. Several artists traveled outside of Tanzania to record their music. Also, during the 1980s, the 5. Culturally, many practices remained rooted in socialist ideology. The economic transition Tanzania Film Company (TFC) recorded music in Tanzania. toward capitalism and the tendency to maintain socialist ideologies in cultural and political affairs is best termed postsocialism. The movement from socialism to postsocialism (rather than socialism to capitalism) has occurred in several formerly socialist countries in Eastern Europe (Verdery 1996). Elsewhere, I provide a more detailed discussion of postsocialism in Tanzania (Perullo 2003). 6. The Judge is played by Balozi Dola, a Tanzanian rapper, whose voice was modified to make it sound deeper and more threatening. The initial announcement of the court case is the voice of rapper Saigon. 7. Bongo literally means “wisdom”, but is slang for “(1) the knowledge and skills needed to survive in difficult circumstances; (2) the city of Dar es Salaam; (3) Tanzania.” In this example, Mr. II is referring to Tanzania, where people need wisdom to survive. Tanzanian rap is often called bongo flava “the flavor of Bongo.” 8. The names of the deejay and the radio station have been changed for this article. 9. The reports of this speech come from a several journalists in Tanzania, including Charles Mateso and James Nindi. 10. Several other rap groups have even been offered gifts by politicians who want to thank the artists for their work. The regional commissioner of Tanga, George Mkuchika, and the regional commissioner of Dar es Salaam, Yusuph Makamba, separately invited the group Wagosi wa Kaya to dinner events to thank them for their music. 11. The phrase mwaka arobiana na saba “the year 1947” is slang for the past, and does not refer 12. Buzii literally means “goat” but is slang for a male lover who provides financial support for a woman in exchange for sex. For a discussion of buzi, see Moyer 2003. 13. Joni Woka’s name is occasionally written Johnnie Walker. Nairobi: UN Printshop. Askew, Kelly. 2002. 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