Cornerstone Speech

anizbx
timer Asked: Jul 6th, 2017

Question Description

Read the selection from Confederate Vice President Alexander H. Stephens’ “Cornerstone Speech” of March 21, 1861, and then study the Thomas Nast editorial cartoon, “The President’s Inaugural,” of March 23, 1861.

Based on these two documents, and what you have learned in your HIST 1301 class (particularly from chapters 14 and 15, and video lessons 19-21), consider these questions:

  1. According to Stephens, what is the “cornerstone” of the confederacy?
  2. Paraphrase Stephens’ main argument. What are Stephens’ fundamental assumptions about blacks and whites?
  3. Demonstrate how Stephens supports his argument. To what “authority” does he appeal?
  4. How does Stephens summarize the arguments of those who have a differing view?
  5. What does Nast’s cartoon say about how Lincoln is viewed in the South?
  6. What populations within the newly-formed Confederate States of America would be most hostile toward Abraham Lincoln, and why?
  7. To what extent did Stephens and Nast in particular, and most Southerners and Northerners in general in 1861, exhibit sensitivity and tolerance in dealing toward women and African Americans?

Having considered these questions, write an essay of at least 800 words that:

  1. Makes an original argument that can be supported with the specific historical evidence of these two primary documents, as well as lecture notes and the textbook assigned to your class;
  2. Analyzes the historical significance of these two primary documents;
  3. Analyzes the nature of cultural/racial/gender relations during the 1860s;
  4. Connects the choices and actions of Confederate leaders to their decisions to secede and make war against the United States government;
  5. Is written in standard English, with all sources and quotes properly cited using MLA format;
  6. Is written in your own words, not copied and pasted from other sources or web sites;
  7. Is submitted through eCampus by clicking the CORE OBJECTIVE ASSESSMENT link above.

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Alexander H. Stephens, Cornerstone Speech, March 21, 1861, Savannah, Georgia The new constitution has put at rest, forever, all the agitating questions relating to our peculiar institution African slavery as it exists amongst us the proper status of the negro in our form of civilization. This was the immediate cause of the late rupture and present revolution. Jefferson in his forecast, had anticipated this, as the "rock upon which the old Union would split." He was right. What was conjecture with him, is now a realized fact. But whether he fully comprehended the great truth upon which that rock stood and stands, may be doubted. The prevailing ideas entertained by him and most of the leading statesmen at the time of the formation of the old constitution, were that the enslavement of the African was in violation of the laws of nature; that it was wrong in principle, socially, morally, and politically. It was an evil they knew not well how to deal with, but the general opinion of the men of that day was that, somehow or other in the order of Providence, the institution would be evanescent and pass away. This idea, though not incorporated in the constitution, was the prevailing idea at that time. The constitution, it is true, secured every essential guarantee to the institution while it should last, and hence no argument can be justly urged against the constitutional guarantees thus secured, because of the common sentiment of the day. Those ideas, however, were fundamentally wrong. They rested upon the assumption of the equality of races. This was an error. It was a sandy foundation, and the government built upon it fell when the "storm came and the wind blew." Our new government is founded upon exactly the opposite idea; its foundations are laid, its cornerstone rests, upon the great truth that the negro is not equal to the white man; that slavery subordination to the superior race is his natural and normal condition. This, our new government, is the first, in the history of the world, based upon this great physical, philosophical, and moral truth. This truth has been slow in the process of its development, like all other truths in the various departments of science. It has been so even amongst us. Many who hear me, perhaps, can recollect well, that this truth was not generally admitted, even within their day. The errors of the past generation still clung to many as late as twenty years ago. Those at the North, who still cling to these errors, with a zeal above knowledge, we justly denominate fanatics. All fanaticism springs from an aberration of the mind from a defect in reasoning. It is a species of insanity. One of the most striking characteristics of insanity, in many instances, is forming correct conclusions from fancied or erroneous premises; so with the antislavery fanatics. Their conclusions are right if their premises were. They assume that the negro is equal, and hence conclude that he is entitled to equal privileges and rights with the white man. If their premises were correct, their conclusions would be logical and just but their premise being wrong, their whole argument fails… (The Northern States) were attempting to make things equal which the Creator had made unequal. But to return to the question of the future. What is to be the result of this revolution? Will everything, commenced so well, continue as it has begun? In reply to this anxious inquiry, I can only say it all depends upon ourselves. A young man starting out in life on his majority, with health, talent, and ability, under a favoring Providence, may be said to be the architect of his own fortunes. His destinies are in his own hands. He may make for himself a name, of honor or dishonor, according to his own acts. If he plants himself upon truth, integrity, honor and uprightness, with industry, patience and energy, he cannot fail of success. So it is with us. We are a young republic, just entering upon the arena of nations; we will be the architects of our own fortunes. Our destiny, under Providence, is in our own hands. With wisdom, prudence, and statesmanship on the part of our public men, and intelligence, virtue and patriotism on the part of the people, success, to the full measures of our most sanguine hopes, may be looked for. But if unwise counsels prevail if we become divided if schisms arise if dissentions spring up if factions are engendered if party spirit, nourished by unholy personal ambition shall rear its hydra head, I have no good to prophesy for you. Without intelligence, virtue, integrity, and patriotism on the part of the people, no republic or representative government can be durable or stable… The surest way to secure peace, is to show your ability to maintain your rights. The principles and position of the present administration of the United States the republican party present some puzzling questions. While it is a fixed principle with them never to allow the increase of a foot of slave territory, they seem to be equally determined not to part with an inch "of the accursed soil." Notwithstanding their clamor against the institution, they seemed to be equally opposed to getting more, or letting go what they have got. They were ready to fight on the accession of Texas, and are equally ready to fight now on her secession. Why is this? How can this strange paradox be accounted for? There seems to be but one rational solution and that is, notwithstanding their professions of humanity, they are disinclined to give up the benefits they derive from slave labor. Their philanthropy yields to their interest. The idea of enforcing the laws, has but one object, and that is a collection of the taxes, raised by slave labor to swell the fund necessary to meet their heavy appropriations. The spoils is what they are after though they come from the labor of the slave That as the admission of States by Congress under the constitution was an act of legislation, and in the nature of a contract or compact between the States admitted and the others admitting, why should not this contract or compact be regarded as of like character with all other civil contracts liable to be rescinded by mutual agreement of both parties? The seceding States have rescinded it on their part, they have resumed their sovereignty. Why cannot the whole question be settled, if the north desire peace, simply by the Congress, in both branches, with the concurrence of the President, giving their consent to the separation, and a recognition of our independence? This is the way the This is the way the North received it South received it PRESIDENT LINCOLN'S INAUGURAL
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