Survivors of School Bullying: A Collective
Case Study
Octavio Ramirez
This article explores the coping strategies of five junior-high school students with a history
of peer victimization and how those strategies help them manage the effects of buUying.
The data were collected using observations, interviews, and a review of school records. The
data were analyzed using categorical aggregation, direct interpretation, constant comparison,
and identification of patterns. On analysis, the following categories emerged from the data:
identification of supportive systems, in-class strategies, premonition and environmental analysis, thought cessation and redirection, and masking. These categories were amalgamated
into two general patterns: preventive and reactive strategies. The results of the study show
that although the strategies helped participants to cope with the immediate effects ofbullying, they did not exempt participants firom the psychological and emotional implications of
peer victimization.
KEY WORDS; bullying; coping skills; school; survivors; victims
T
o examine the growing problem ofbullying in schools, it may be helpful to view
the issue from the penpective of the victim and observe how children use various coping
strategies to overcome the painful effects of bullying (Hunter & Boyle, 2004). It can also help us
understand the implications behind the various
strategies (Hunter, Boyle, &c Warden, 2002). This
collective case study explored the coping strategies
of five junior high school students and how effective those strategies were in dealing with the pejorative effects of school bullying.
The findings of this study are of great importance
to school social workers because most schoolwide
antibuUying programs have yielded limited success,
and some have failed altogether (Newman-Carlson
& Home, 2004). Moreover, studies have shown that
not all coping strategies generate positive outcomes
(Kanetsuna, Smith, & Morita, 2006; MahadyWüton, Craig, & Pepler, 2000). Therefore, the aim
of this study was to idendfy the various coping
mechanisms used by the participants of the study,
describe how those strategies were iniplemented,
and discuss the immediate implications of using
those strategies. Although it cannot be easuy defined,
for the purposes of this study, bullying is physical,
psychological, or verbal intimidation or attack that is
meant to cause distress or harm to an intended victim (Mizell-Christie, 2003). Bullying is a problem
doi: 10.1093/cs/cdtOOl
« 2 0 1 3 National Association of Social Workers
that nearly everyone can relate to, whether as a
bully, a victim, or a bystander (Orpinas, Home, &
Staniszewski, 2003). In 2010, approximately 2.7 million children were bullied. The problem ofbullying
in schools has been notoriously linked to school
shootings and suicide attempts (Bullying Statistics,
2010). Coupled with the recent proliferation of
cyberbullying, which is the "use of information and
communication technologies with the intent to
harm others" (Li, 2007, p. 1779), and the tepid success of schoolwide antibuUying programs, children
must rely on coping strategies to overcome depression, anxiety, low self-esteem, feelings of vengeance,
nightmares, and so forth (Bond, Carlin, Thomas,
Rubin, & Patton 2001; Bosworth, Espelage, &
Simon, 1999; Storch, Brassard, & Masia-Wamer,
• 2003; Van der Wal, de Wit, & Hirasing, 2003).
There are numerous coping strategies used by children to regulate the Stressors ofbullying. These strategies can be grouped into two distinct clusters:
problem-solving strategies that de-escalate and resolve
conflicts, and aggressive strategies that perpetuate and
escalate them (Mahady-Wüton et al., 2000). Examples of problem-solving strategies include acquiescence, avoidance, and instrumental coping skills.
Children who use instrumental coping sküls attempt
to befriend btdlies in hopes of decreasing the attacks.
They also seek support from family members, friends,
teachers, or caregivers (Mahady-Wilton et al., 2000).
93
When asked about using problem-solving strategies,
children responded; "I ignore it, put up with it, forget it, cope on my own, hope it would stop, bottle it
up, tell them it hurts, ask them to stop" (Cowie,
2000). Although it has been found that children who
use the avoidance method tend to have more problems adjusting (Causey & Dubow, 1993), avoidance
has also been found to de-escalate and reduce bullying. The outcome is dependent on the bully, the setting, and the type of bullying experienced (Hunter
et al., 2002; Kanetsuna et al., 2006; Kristensen &
Smith, 2003).
Conversely, agressive coping strategies involve
verbal and physical retaliation by the victim. Boys
have a tendency to use this strategy when they themselves have experienced ph)^ical abuse (Andreou,
2001). Girls prefer to use avoidance and intemalization when they have experienced physical and verbal
abuse (Roecker, Dubow, & Donaldson, 1996).
When asked about the use of aggressive strategies,
children responded, "I hit them back, beat them,
threatened to get my big brother, shout back, and
threaten to tell the teacher" (Cowie, 2000).
There are differences in the use of coping strategies at different academic levels. For example, elementary school children are inclined to share their
experiences with caregivers and teachers, whereas
secondary school children depend on self-reliance
(Borg, 1998), with the exception of girls, who
have been found to share their experiences with
friends (Griffith & Dubow, 1993; Hunter & Boyle,
2004;Laursen, 1993).
As children grow older, it becomes more challenging for them to share their experiences with
adults. This is because they either lose confidence
in themselves or believe the bullying will become
worse (Kanetsuna et al., 2006). However, this has
not been the case with children who care for a parent with a disability. It was found that these children shared their experiences with ease. It is
believed that the bond established between them
contributes to this phenomenon (Polkki, Ervast, &
Huupponen, 2004).
Another problem-solving strategy that has shown
promise in alleviating the effects of bullying is
forgiveness. Forgiveness has been known to placate
vengeful feelings (Egan & Todorov, 2009).
Children who have been victimized have a natural
tendency to feel angry or depressed and often
develop vengeful thoughts. Forgiveness is a strategy
that has been known to help manage feelings of
94
shame, humiliation, embarrassment, vengeance, and
low self-esteem. The biggest advantage of forgiveness is that it has been found to help children manage their shame by acknowledging their feelings
rather than displacing them (Ahmed & Braithwaite,
2004). Foi^veness, as proposed in this context, does
not mean denying, ignoring, minimizing, tolerating, condoning, or forgetting the offense (Witvliet,
Ludwig, & VanderLaan, 2001). Rather, it is viewed
as a source of strength.
Although research has indicated that children
who are victimized use problem-solving and agressive coping strategies to overcome the effects of
school bullying (Hunter & Boyle, 2004; Naylor,
Cowie, & del Rey, 2001; Salmivalli, Karhunen, &
Lagerspetz, 1996), this study adds to the existing
body of knowledge by depicting how participants
use their coping strategies to successfully get through
the school day.
METHOD
The collective case study design was selected
because it allowed for detailed, extensive data collection through multiple sources of information. In
this study, the researcher observed the participants
in their natural setting, conducted interviews, and
analyzed their progress through a review of their
academic records. Five cases were selected, and the
researcher became immersed in the lives of the
participants.
The participants of the study were selected on the
basis of a history of peer victimization. The school
principal made the initial referral. The participants'
caregivers corroborated the referral and their academic records supported it. According to Drake and
Jonson-Reid (2007), the number of participants
selected for this study is appropriate for this qualitative tradirion. The intent of this study was not to
generalize the findings or to theorize them or to
reach saturarion; the intent was to explore the intrinsic value that each of these participants could contribute through their experiences. The focus on
reliability was not on acquiring similar results but on
assuring consistency in the process. The use of triangulation served to strengthen the reliability of the
data, by using interviews, observations, and a review
of school records, for example. Validity was attained
by the measures taken to assure the participants were
students who had a history of peer victimization.
The participants consisted of two female AfricanAmerican, one male Hispanic, one female Hispanic,
Children &Schools
VOLUME 35, NUMBER X
APRIL 2013
and one female African American. AH of the participants attended an inner-city charter school in the
northeastern part of the United States. Anonymity
was used to protect their idendty.
Ricardo is an 11-year-old male Hispanic in the
seventh grade. He is a timid, aloof child who suffers
from dyspraxia, an inability to perform coordinated
movements (Miyahara & Baxter, 2011). Although
Ricardo made continuous efforts to be accepted by
bullies, they continue to attack him both verbally
and physically. Ricardo lives with his mother and
two sisters, and he has regular contact with his
father. He enjoys watching movies, playing video
games, and playing sports with his friends.
Aaron is a 13-year-old male African American
in the seventh grade. He is gregarious and has an
outgoing personality. Aaron was diagnosed with a
specific learning disability several years ago. Bullies
attack him verbally and physically and often focus
on his conspicuous overbite. Aaron resides with his
mother in a three-bedroom house. He has no contact with his father and enjoys playing football and
basketball and riding his bicycle.
Tammie is a 12-year-old female African American in the sixth grade. She is shy, quiet, and sensitive. Bullies focus their attacks on her weight. They
laugh and call her names. According to school
records, Tammie has a history of transferring
schools because of the bullying. She has no siblings
and lives v^ath her mother. Tammie has no contact
with her father. She enjoys spending time on Facebook, watching cartoons, and playing board games.
Sandra is a 12-year-old female African American
in the sixth grade. She was diagnosed with a specific leaming disability. Sandra resides with her
older brother and grandmother. Although her
mother lives in the same town, Sandra has no contact with her. Sandra experiences verbal and physical abuse at school. Bullies call her names like
"dirty, stinky, homeless, and nappy." Sandra enjoys
watching comedy programs on television and playing with her dog.
Iris is a 13-year-old female Hispanic in the seventh grade. As with Tammie, bullies often focus on
her weight. They call her names like "big mama,
bus, and house." Iris is quiet and aloof. She resides
with her mother and younger sister in a threebedroom house. Iris has daily contact with her father
and feels supported by him. She enjoys watching
comedy programs on television and listening to
R6iB music on the radio.
RAMIREZ / Survivors of School Bullying: A Collective Case Study
Prior to the study, each of the participants' caregivers provided informed consent. In addition,
permission to conduct the study was granted by
the board of trustees of the charter school where
the children were enrolled.
The first method used to coUect the data was field
observations. Bach participant was observed in structured settings, like classrooms or the lunchroom,
and in nonstructured settings like hallways, bathrooms, and the schoolyard. According to Cowie
(2000), bullying attacks are more prevalent in nonstructured settings. Therefore, additional observation time was spent in those areas. The researcher
used the role of the complete observer because it
limited the possibility of the Hawthome effect (Babbie, 2010). Although the participants were cognizant of the study, they were unaware they were
being observed for the purpose of the study. The
participants viewed the researcher as a staff member
at the school and, therefore, maintained their normal behavior.
Observations occurred for six months, four hours
a day. The researcher recorded the time spent
observing each participant to ensure an equal
amount of time. A standard protocol was used to
record the observations (CresweU, 2006). The protocol was used to record the names of the participants,
the setting, the time, the date, and the duration of
the observation. It also aUowed the researcher the
opportunity to record the emic and etic perspective
(Tripp-Reimer, 2007).
In addition to conducting observations, the
researcher interviewed each of the participants for
approximately 60 to 90 minutes in an office at the
school. The researcher explained the purpose and
significance of the study to the participants, and a
standard protocol was used to guide the interviews.
Each protocol contained six structured and 14
nonstructured questions. The following are examples of the questions asked: "When you are in class
and you are being attacked, what do you think
about?" "How do you respond to buUies who are
verbally attacking you?" "How do you respond to
buUies who are physically attacking you?"
Each interview was recorded, transcribed verbatim, and uploaded to the software NVivo for analysis. The NTVivo program helped the researcher
analyze the text and identify categories, themes,
and supportive quotes. The program also provided
an organized storage filing system whereby cases
could be easily retrieved (CresweU, 2006).
95
A thorough review of the participants' academic
records was another useful method of data analysis.
Each record contained the foUowing information:
performance evaluations, attendance history, assessment reports, and copies of disciplinary actions.
None of the files were removed from the school,
and the researcher limited the analysis to the information pertinent to the study. Once all of the data
were collected, the researcher used the process of
"coding up" (Drake & Jonson-Reid, 2007). The
researcher read the transcripts from the interviews,
reviewed the information from the observational
protocols, and used the academic records to identify
content units. Once these units were identified, the
researcher was able to develop a coding scheme and
use the NVivo software to determine categories and
themes.
teacher permission to go to the bathroom . . . I use
the opportunity to leave the area" (Iris). Sandy used
another tactic, getting the teacher's attention to end
the bullying: "What I do is caU the teacher and ask a
question; when I do that, the buUying stops." Two
other strategies were identified and were found to
help the participants in the classroom. The first
method consisted of talking quiedy to a classmate
while the teacher provided instruction, and the
other was to request permission fiï)m the teacher to
leave the classroom and go see the resource teacher.
Although the first strategy helped the participants
ignore the attacks, it also raised the likelihood of
being reprimanded by the teacher for talking without permission. Due to their disabilities, Sandra and
Aaron were the only participants eligible to receive
assistance from the resource teacher. Hence, they
were the only ones who reported using this strategy.
FINDINGS
The foUowing categories emerged from the data:
identification of supportive s)^tems, in-class strategies, premonition and environmental analysis,
thought cessation and redirection, and masking.
The fiRt category, identification of supportive systems, described how participants use instrumental
coping skills to deal with the effects of buUying.
Tammie found a classmate to help her cope with
the bullying: "When bullies say ugly things to me, I
get quiet and go to my ftiend. He always makes me
laugh." Iris identified a teacher: "My social studies
teacher does not allow kids to attack me. She moves
them away from me." Sandra admitted that there
were times when her teacher was not aware of the
buUying, but because she had established a relationship with her teacher, Sandra saw her as a source of
support. In addition to classmates and teachers, participants also identified family members as buffers
against the negative effects of bullying. Ricardo
reported, "When a bully pushes me around, I go
home and tell niy mother; she meets with the principal, and the buUying stops." Sandra said, "My
grandmother teUs me not to let anyone push me
around. If I have to defend myself, to do it, she wiU
support me." The ability to rely on instrumental
coping skiUs helped the participants feel supported
and protected by the people they trust. Participants
who used these skills understood that the individuals
who they had identified would believe them and
not trivialize their feelings. Further, the participants
reported using in-class strategies as weU: "When bullies attack me in class, I raise my hand and ask the
Another reported problem-solving strategy was
premonition. Ricardo used premonition as a way to
prevent stacks. Ricardo reported expetiencing a
"weird feeling" prior to being attacked. Although
he was unable to fully articulate this feeling, he realized it made him aware of impending danger, saying
"There are times when students wiU surprise me
and attack me, but for the most part I have a weird
feeling that something is going to happen." l^cardo
understood that identifying this feeling and
responding to it helped him avoid imminent attacks.
However, when this feeling was ignored, Ricardo
suffered the consequences.
Another tactic, analysis of the surrounding
environment, was found to be useful to the participants. Aaron used this coping strategy whenever
bystanders would provoke or incite buUies, "When
I see that bystanders are instigating buUies, or I
think there's a good chance that I wUl be attacked,
I look for a way to leave the area." Although leaving the area contributed to Aaron's feelings of
shame and humiliation, he preferred to face those
feeUngs rather than experience the physical abuse.
Sandra and Iris reported using thought cessation
and redirection. This strategy helped suppress and
redirect negative thinking: "When a bully verbaUy
attacks me, 1 think about other t h i n g s . . . 1 make up
things in my mind like a squirrel chasing a
bug—I know it sounds strange, but it helps me
ignore what buUies are saying" (Sandra). Iris reported,
"When bullies say ugly things to me, I think about
my favorite TV show and it makes me feel better."
At times redirection would take a few seconds, other
96
Children & Schools
VOLUME 35, NUMBER 2
APWL 2013
times a few minutes. The success of this technique
varied widely depending on the setting, the buUy,
and the type of bullying.
The last category to emerge from the interviews
was masking, or hiding true feelings. This coping
strategy helped Sandra and Aaron to regulate their
emotions by reacting and behaving in a manner that
was contrary to the expected behavior. Both participants reported smiling or laughing in the midst of
being verbally attacked: "When bullies tease me and
others laugh, I also laugh—I don't laugh because I
think is funny, I laugh because it helps them stop
when they see I'm not getting mad" (Aaron). Sandra
said, "sometimes I smile when bullies talk about my
hair. This helps them see that I'm not bothered by
what they are saying." Aaron used this strategy with
bullies who were physically bigger and stronger than
he was. Moreover, both Aaron and Sandra reported
that masking lessened the likelihood that the verbal
attacks became physical ones.
In addition to the information derived from the
interviews, the researcher collected information
from the observational protocols (Babbie, 2010).
From the protocols, it was determined that participants preferred to be accompanied by their friends
during nonsupervised times of the school day
(Aaron, Iris, and Sandra). This highlights their ability to use relationships as a coping mechanism. Furthermore, the observation showed that none of the
participants intentionally provoked or elicited the
attacks. Ricardo, Aaron, Sandra, and Tammie all
attempted to befriend bullies, either by wanting to
be included in recreational activities, sitting at the
same table for lunch, or seeking to participate in
group projects. Unfortunately, the buUies showed
no interest.
The academic records of the participants showed
that Sandra, Iris, Tammie, Ricardo, and Aaron's
grades suffered as a result of high absenteeism. One
of the reasons for the high absenteeism was the use
of aggressive coping strategies. When Sandra, Tammie, Iris, and Ricardo responded aggressively to
buUies, they received the same disciplinary consequences as the bullies. The records indicate that aU of
the participants maintained average to below-average
grades, including Aaron and Sandra who have learning disabilities.
All of the coping strategies identified in this study
feU under two general patterns: preventive and reactive. Preventive strategies are ones that help participants avoid attacks, and reactive strategies help
RAMIREZ / Survivors of School Bullying: A Collective Case Study
participants respond adequately to the attacks. Premonition and environmental analysis fall under the
pattern of preventive strategies, whereas reactive
strategies include thought cessation and redirection,
identification of supportive sources within the environment, and in-class strategies.
CONCLUSION
In addition to having a history of peer victimization, the participants of this study typified characteristics of passive or provocative victims (Olweus,
1993). Some were shy, aloof, and introverted
(Ricardo, Iris, and Tammie); others had physical
limitations such as obesity or a motor imbalance
(Tammie, Aaron, and Iris). Hence, buUies did not
perceive them as a threat and proceeded with the
attacks.
Sandra, Iris, Tammie, and Ricardo aU used
instrumental coping skiUs as a means for dealing
with buUying at school. The implementation of
these skills included seeking the support of classmates, family members, and teachers. This strategy
aUowed them to express their anxiety, concems,
and fears to the people they trusted. It also helped
them see that they did not have to suffer through
the victimization alone; they had support.
Sandra and Iris used the thought cessation coping strategy to suppress negative thinking, and redirection to integrate positive thinking. This skill
helped them minimize feelings of sadness and
depression.
In the classroom. Iris and Sandra used several
problem-solving strategies to fend off buUy attacks.
The girls would get the attention of the teacher in
the midst of an attack and either request permission
to go to the restroom or to see the resource
teacher. These strategies helped limit the attacks
within the classroom.
Bjcardo reported that he often experienced a
"weird feeling," which he could not describe.
When he recognized this feeling, he immediately
left the area because he viewed it as a harbinger of
impending danger. Sandra and Aaron reported using
reaction formation (Corey, 2009), a defense mechanism
that can also be referred to as masking. Although this
strategy can reduce the intensity and length of the
attacks. Causey and Dubow (1993) found that children who used this method had difficulty adjusting.
Although many of these strategies helped participants prevent attacks or respond to them more
effectively, they did not shield the participants
97
from depression, anxiety, and low self-esteem that
result from being the victim ofa bully. Moreover,
these strategies did not suppress the bullying.
Whether the participants showed characteristics of
a passive or provocative victim (Olweus, 1993),
they continued to experience bullying.
The use of instrumental coping strategies by the
participants supports previous fmdings (Hunter
et al., 2002; Naylor et al., 2001; Smith, 2004).
Although Hunter and Boyle (2004) found that girls
were more inclined to seek assistance than boys,
and Kristensen and Smith (2003) found that students in junior-high school preferred to use selfreliance rather than seek outside assistance, in the
present study, l^cardo and Aaron used the identification and utilization of assistance as a coping
strategy. In his 2001 study, Andreou found that
boys who had experienced verbal and physical bullying relied on their friends as a reactive coping
strategy, but in this study l^cardo reported using
his peers as a means to prevent the bullying, especially, in times of minimal supervision.
RECOMMENDATIONS
School social workers are in an excellent position
to identify and reinforce problem-solving skills.
According to the findings of this study, instrumental coping strategies (Mahady-Wilton et al., 2000)
such as seeking support from parents, teachers, and
friends helped decrease tbe intensity of the attacks
while providing an opportunity for participants
to share their experiences with individuals they
trusted. Moreover, school social workers can use
psychoeducational approaches to teach students
the benefits of thought cessation and redirection.
Thought cessation and redirection are established
methods of intervention used in cognitive—behavioral
therapy (McKay, Davis, & Fanning, 2011), yet
some of the participants already use this approach
to cope with the effects ofbuUying.
School social workers can teach students to use
simple in-class techniques such as getting the attention of the teacher, requesting permission to use
the bathroom, or seeking the assistance of a
resource teacher to avoid attacks by bullies. In
addition, social workers can suggest strategies to
teachers, like changing student seating, speaking to
students privately, reinforcing their positive qualities in front of the classroom, referring them for
individual counseling, and serving as advocates
during disciplinary conferences.
98
It is important to note that masking, like any
other defense mechanism, has both short- and
iong-temi implications. However, the participants
in this study saw the immediate benefits of it.
School social workers can help children understand
the immediate benefits and the long-term implications of using such a strategy.
Finally, it is recommended that future research
focus on comprehending the long-term effects of
using these problem-solving and aggressive coping
strategies. S
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