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Read and answer the question below : The Book Is Flip Flop By C. Knowles

1) What can you tell me about the Mercato, other than it is a place where flip-flops finally end up for sale (p. 137)?

2) Who is Des and what are some reasons he has moved from being a leather footwear maker to an EVA-material footwear maker (pgs. 141- 142)?

3) What is the importance of the 'Made in Ethiopia' tag (p. 141, p. 143, and p. 145)?

4) Who is Addisu, how has he maintained connections to his ancestral village, and what are some constraints he has on his flip-flop business (pgs. 147 - 150)?

5) What are some challenges of urban planning (determining what social activity will happen where) in Addis that are not as challenging in the US (pgs. 152 - 153)?

6) What country invaded Ethiopia and caused one of the earliest reasons the League of Nations broke up (p. 158)? What were some of the footwear changes Zema went through from the invasion of Ethiopia to the printing of this book (pgs. 158 - 159)?

7) Other than protecting feet while walking what are some other roles of footwear in Ethiopia? Do these roles for footwear exist in the USA (p. 160)?

8) More and more sociologists, historians, and anthropologists are paying attention the parts of cities that serve the role mentioned on p. 173. What is Koshe? Is it easy to access (p. 174)? What is the name of the famous book that discusses what is held in Koshe (p. 175)?

9) Who are the 'scratchers' and what are some conditions that make their work difficult (pgs. 177 - 184)?

10) When Dr. Knowles says globalization is "all local," what does she mean (p. 193)?

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1) What can you tell me about the Mercato, other than it is a place where flip-flops finally end up for sale (p. 137)? 2) Who is Des and what are some reasons he has moved from being a leather footwear maker to an EVA-material footwear maker (pgs. 141- 142)? 3) What is the importance of the 'Made in Ethiopia' tag (p. 141, p. 143, and p. 145)? 4) Who is Addisu, how has he maintained connections to his ancestral village, and what are some constraints he has on his flip-flop business (pgs. 147 - 150)? 5) What are some challenges of urban planning (determining what social activity will happen where) in Addis that are not as challenging in the US (pgs. 152 - 153)? 6) What country invaded Ethiopia and caused one of the earliest reasons the League of Nations broke up (p. 158)? What were some of the footwear changes Zema went through from the invasion of Ethiopia to the printing of this book (pgs. 158 - 159)? 7) Other than protecting feet while walking what are some other roles of footwear in Ethiopia? Do these roles for footwear exist in the USA (p. 160)? 8) More and more sociologists, historians, and anthropologists are paying attention the parts of cities that serve the role mentioned on p. 173. What is Koshe? Is it easy to access (p. 174)? What is the name of the famous book that discusses what is held in Koshe (p. 175)? 9) Who are the 'scratchers' and what are some conditions that make their work difficult (pgs. 177 - 184)? 10) When Dr. Knowles says globalization is "all local," what does she mean (p. 193)? < -...,~ f · ·. .· '~. ._J~·.-· Globalisation Revisited 187 What do the stories of the flip-flop trail tell us about globalisat·10n., 11 Globalisation Revisited The flip-flop trail provides an empirical, ground-level account of the landscapes and lives in which people walk along a mesh of mutating translocal back roads. But what is its broader resonance for globalisation theory? Globalisation theorists raise grander and more sweeping lines of enquiry without the restrictions of empirical verification. They ask, what is globalisation? Is it taking new forms? How might the relationship between extended locales and nation-states be conceptualised? These are excellent questions. At least two of them resonate with the trail, as it probes the mutating forms and substance of translocality. The problem, and part of the reason why globalisation analysts talk across each other's concerns rather than to them, is that globalisation thinking is colonised by particular conceptions of theory. I I I It is these grand, abstract conceptions of theory that I want to dislodge. Offering instead, more modest and serviceable conceptions, suggesting new ways of thinking about globalisation, which draw on the insights of the trail. This shift in scale involves shifting my own thin.king too, from a series of microcosmically small, detailed, empirical encounters, albeit with grander resonance, onto the higher ground of overview reflections. In the pages that remain, I want to revisit globalisation with an overview of the trail, gathering and developing some of the reAections scattered along it, like the pieces of brightly coloured rubbish that stand out from the heap, catching the eyes of the scratchers. This is social theory as scratching. Theory The boys on the bridge suggest the benefits of oversight from the vantage-point of higher ground, in their case, oversight of the rubbish dump a nd its approach roads. The first direction in my tentative, operational, definition of theory, is that theory is about reflection on multiple processes and t he connections between them. Oversight of the entire trail, a step up in scales of reflection, proffers a position from which to think more deeply about its directions, its connections, its social fabrics, comp,trisons between differe nt parts of the trail and, ultimately, the implications of this I I for how we think about globalisation. My second direction of travel is that theory, ,ts centati\'e fonns of explanation, is always present, even in our most rudiment.try thinking. whether we acknowledge it or not. It is imbricated in the selection, I I 111111111111 188 Globalisation Revisited Flip-flop 189 arrangement. im-estigation and narration of empirical detail. It was always geographies, the term globalisation with Chinese characters acknowledges embedded in the trail, as I acknowledged in my introduction. Theory, like the particularity of routes through China, they rarely focus their enquiries photography, selects and fran1es. It can never be post-empirical; instead on them. Instead they rework the same, limited, empirical scenarios it provokes a dialogue between analysis and investigation, between and territories, for deeper and ever more abstract truths. This challenge reflection and discovery. Theory is about gathering the insights that come to the grip of hegemonic globalisation on the imagination of global from the unloosening, as Lemert' calls it, that close examination entails. theorists questions, for example, Castells' most excellent conception of Consequently, theory always comes from a particular vantage-point, globalisation for its focus on the key landing places of network value. My whether or not this is acknowledged. My version of globalisation is book shows that globalisation is more than this. It is more plural and open. articulated from the flip-flop trail. I don't claim universality for it. I suggest It constantly reroutes trails and opens new ones. New trails, new routes, instead that it provides an alternate vantage-point from other analyses, new configurations and articulations of social and material fabrics, form and one from which hitherto unacknowledged features of globalisation the mutating substance of globalisation. enter the frame. My third direction of travel is that theory does not usefully encompass globalisation is always a work in progress. Only provisional assessments, The flip-flop trail discourages conceptual complacency. It shows that entire paradigms. Indeed this is impossible in conceptualisingglobalisation, pending further investigation of something so vast and diverse as as a number of scholars have noted in unravelling some of its plurality.' globalisation, are appropriate. Further investigation of a diverse range of Rather than reaching for universals, the scope and ambition of theory circumstances and vantage-points is urgently needed. In the interim, our should be appropriately modest and serviceable. Vered Amit3 explores the theoretical pronouncements should be provisional and the limitations of benefits of mid-range concepts that are 'good to think with', that ope n up, their circumstances acknowledged, moderating claims to general truths. rather than cap, e nquiry, in place of overarching systems of thought. These This is the first of the insights with implications for how we concepruaJise three directio ns guide my thinking on theory in offering the journeys globalisation, to come from the flip-flop trail. composing the flip-flop trail as empirical-analytic vantage-points from which to revisit our understanding of globalisation. Logics of Travel Beyond the Landing Places of Network Value The second of these insights is the consequences of shifting the framework of globalisation from objects (as commodities) to people, embarked on the Globalisation has hitherto been viewed from a limited range of perspectives. journeys of everyday life. The flip-flop trail pursues globalisation from inside The fl ip-flop trail tilts the angle of conception from the commanding the logics of travel, unusually, foregrounding its mobile human substance. heights of globalisation, from what I have at various points along the trail Journeys both embed the core logic of globalisation in movement and referred to as 'mainstream globalisation' or the 'global superhighways', to offer a way of investigating it empirically. The logics of travel foreground less hegemonic, less sensational, qui ete r, more mundane streams of global the everyday lives of people collaborating, in different ways. with the traffic and translocal connection. businesses of globalisation, with the macro as well as the micro landscapt'S Shifting the lens from high finance, media images, fast food chains that co-produce them. These living, moving, story-telling human fabrics and other high-profile vectors of global inte rsection, creates a conceptual graphically depict the substance of globalisation, and the landscapes on space for other versions of globalisation in othe r places, to take shape. which its multiple possibilities are enacted. Their journeys reve.1I the skills These are not better o r mo re real than the insights of iconic-hegemonic with which people navigate and customise the trails they we.we through versions, but they do reveal global isation from different angles, exposing their neighbourhoods. The benefit this brings to an undersunding 0f its less prominent features, a nd adding to what we know about it by globalisation will be unfolded further below. othe r means. While globalisation theorists now admit its lesser-known - - · ·- l lli,.J.;:· • I 190 Flip-flop ~ Fragility and Precmity The third insight on globalisation from the flip-flop trail challenges the robust, solid, enduring and thus, perhaps, apparently unchallengeable networked monolith presented in globalisation theory. The flip-flop trail instead exposes globalisation's fragility as an unstable, shifting and ad hoc tangle of translocal routes, which can, and do, as we observed on the trail, ... - \ Globalisation Revisited 191 As a counterpoint to the stable netw ks . f I . or ' strengths and . . ties o c ass1c globalisation theory th fl"1 fl . mevitabili, . ' e P- op trail reveaJ 111 · h f o peoples lives, another side to global' . s, t e fabric isatron. This side . h" consistent and stable. It is instead a . h rs anyt rng but • n rnc oate, ad hoc ma · . . tnx of shrftmg. cross-cutting trails that are difficult to f . . an 1c1pate, and even mor d'ffi J I to live. Globalisation produces fraoiJe a d . . e cu t o· n precanous lives, even i h . . . who live m its more privileged locations. or t ose reroute in directions that cannot always be predicted. Flip-flop production is particularly fragile on account of its mobility. Low wages and easily learned technical skills make flip-flop production possible in thousands Globalisation on the Back Roads of locations. If flip-flops were people they would be experienced migrants living in transit. Dai Wei's reverie of Middle Eastern feet in the sand cannot be predicted from the logics of capital accumulation. The fragiliti es of life on the flip-flop trail consist in such random motilities as well as more systematic ones. What is, perhaps, more surprising are the fragilities and precarities of the hegemonic forms of globalisation, developed around oil and petrochemicals. Viewed from the humanistic perspective of the flip-flop trail , life in Kuwait and Korea is precarious in its own ways, as we observed. On each of the platforms composing the trail, materials, objects and livelihoods can move in any number of directions. This is not to suggest that Kuwaiti, Korean, Chinese, Somali and Ethiopian fragilities are commensurable. They are not, as we could see. Fragilities take different forms and intensities in people's lives. Globalisation's fragilities and instabilities weave their way through people's lives along the trail as incommensurable, personal insecurities and precarities. Precarity refers to the different ways in which risk is shifted from public and commercial bodies onto the personal circumstances of individual workers and their families. Precarities manifest themselves in being unable to eat three times a day, circumstances which Chinese producers and Ethiopian consumers share. They are manifested in risking imprisonment for evading import duties, in having to drive a taxi or dig clams in old age, and in fearing of invasion and violence. For much of the human substance of globalisation we witness on the trail, the fragile form s of stability available to them in a shifting, precarious world entail remaining poor, so that jobs are not relocated to still poorer places _and people. People's navigational skills are attuned to the shifting precarities . . d • we saw of globali• with which they coexist. They are ski 11e navigators, as sation's precarities. Straying · departmg • . from the .well-trodden superhighways ofgl obal'1sation, routes, taking the roads Jess known tr'ki from Its hegemomc . . , s I ng out on new geographies, following an object without knowing where it is headed and general_ly wan~ering off the beaten track, furnishes new thinking on what global1sat10n 1s and how it works. What follows unravels the benefits of the back roads a bit further. The idea of back-road globalisation is intended to convey a sense of it as an alternative set of routes. I am not making a conceptual distinction between it and hegemonic versions of globalisation. On the contrary, as the flip-flop trail shows, the two closely intersect. Back roads depart from the main roads, with which they form significant junctio ns, they cross, and run alongside other main roads, forged by other steams of business animating other lives. Distinguishing back and main roads is thus a matter of descriptive convenience, signalling departure from hegemonic versions of globalisation, rather than a fundamental distinction. Back roads do not lack significance, or large scales of traffic as we have seen. They are back roads in carrying low-value goods and in not marking the landing places of network value, two factors which rule them out as vantage-points onto globalisation. Network value aside, the flip-flop trail reveals some of globalisation's macro-contours forming the social morphology of our time. Three revelations of the trail in particular display the benefits of these back roads. They revea.l significant streams of global migration. In the process they display the rhythms, scales of movement and volition driving these forms of human mobility. They expose the logics of rural-to-urban migrations and difference between points on the trail. These are in full swing across China, over in Korea, and scaled down in Ethiopi,1. They expose female transnational migration between Ethiopia and Kuwait. Flip-flop Indeed, at the en d of the flip -flop trail, further trails are generated from the rubbish dum p to the Middle East. They expose another stream of movements too, in the traffic between Africa and China, which brings Chinese m igrants to Africa, and Africans to China. Secon d, these back roads reveal what is happen ing in China. As a global production centre in transition to becoming a major economic powerhouse, China is a twenty-first century fo rce to be reckoned with . Accou nts of globalisation should take this into accoun t. These back roads unpack some of its small-scale factory production and the people whose lives it weaves. These back roads reveal China's (quasi-colonial?) relatio nship with Africa. Th is is important in rising (competition and) opportunity and ( u nevenly distributed) prosperity on this continent. Third, these back roads reveal the current securitisation efforts and , sometimes, t he military interventions of the twenty-first century, in borderland struggles with in surgents, jihadists, disaffected citizens and pirates. They expose the seizures and violence undermining the security and prosperity of the global North. In these moments local precarities are tran sformed and passed along, creating new routes to new places, in which they take n ew forms. Back roads t hrough Somalia, Djibouti and Ethiopia vividly display the tensions in the ( macro) geopolitics of the m om ent. Journeys The journeys composing the back road s of the trail port ray the lives ~£ an oil geologist , a team of Korean petrochemical workers, several Chme~e fl ip-flop productio n workers, the rise of t he bosses, an interlocutor m accessing global markets, two Ethiopian trader s, a smuggler, an elde rly · iourn · eys reveal Eth iopian woman and three rubbish scrat c h ers. Their . . d c h· · the hyper-local striking similarities between Eth10p1ans an m ese m . . h J t'1ng to them, and Ill geographies of their journeys, m t e purposes re a . h I e everyone m t e the skills with whic h they navigate them. Journeys P ac • s and between same fram e. They e n able comparisons between 1ocauon • . . tours of comparative lives in the same locatio ns. Jou rneys d isplay t h e con . . pie . d differentiating peo • ( dis )advantage. They offer a means of group m g an . . . t ad as we . · · rov1dmg m s e • avoiding the juggernauts of socia l categon satw n , P . es of their . . d the circurnstan c observe d, fine-grained portra it s of lives an . d They expose the . h I" es are hve . _ living. Jo urne ys r eve al the scale o n w h 1c iv Globalisation Revisited 193 hyper-local and the long-distance traveller, along with the rhythms of their routes. They reveal people's calculations and navigational skills, the capacities and circumstances that make their journeys possible. Journeys reveal places. They expose the missing urban geographies of globalisation. They provide a series of lenses through which cities can be apprehended and analysed. They problematise the relationship between cities, as well as between cities and the routes composing them. Journeys, as I ho pe I have shown, provide sophisticated urban analytics, while placing the lives fabricating them at the centre of our concerns. Globalisation is increasingly lived in and through cities, in one way or another. In payin g close attention to landscape we see the environmental impact of globalisat ion on the flip-flop trail, in the detritus on the oil and petrochemical landscapes in Kuwait and Korea, in the way discarded flip-flops sit in th e landfill site on the edge of Addis, picked over by scratchers, and, p erhaps, turned into biomass electricity. It's All Local Finally, in among the seething inchoate mobilities composing globalisation, its hyper-locality is declared. Globalisation is lived in houses and in neighbourhoods. It is lived through work. And it is lived in the social relationships of these restless groundings. What stretches these things beyond the local, what makes them global, is a chaotic patchwork · of movement, on different seales, by d 1·fferent people, by 061·ects like flip-flops, by materials like plastics, and by substances like food .. The flip-flop trail shows that globalisation is made in little, hyper-local sections. all of them connected, in different ways to the next stage or platform on the trail. At n o point, and this would seem to be crucial in thinkmg about . . I ctions of 1t, revealed. Not globalisation is an entire trail , or even arge se even in the a{gorithms of logistics. Trails jolt uncert,1inly across the opaque h00d5 locales and nauon-states. . inte rsections betwee n neighbour _ __ ' . s the fli -flop trail has shown, Globalisation is not what we th111k it isb._A- . -!ys It is an unst.1ble. k of human and o 1ect JOll t • . it is a loose pate hwor .h k ts ofopportunitv witlun f lh )C ery wit poc e ' shifting, contingent mass o ac l - . ' b ' II globalisation net'ds to b,• . d. . f P·ecanty. A ove a , . overwhelming Ian scapes O 1 _ - . ·nsnbilitit·s nught . . ,- for manoCUVIC l 1' l . • re-examined fo r the opportumt1e, "de who struggle in their own w.1ys provide for the mass of people wo rldw1 to navigate it.
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Surname
1

1.

Mercato

Mercato is the African largest open market. The market measures several square miles
and is organized into different sections depending on the type of goods that are being
sold. The market supports over 13000 employees who work in over 7000 business units.
There are about 2500 retail shops which are kiosks as well as the open stall. 1500 of these
business units are service businesses and 80 wholesale operations.
2.

Des

Des is a neatly 30-year old Ethiopian shoe factory owner. He wears shiny leather shoes to
explain what Ethiopia means. He became a shoe-repairer of leather shoes as his dad was
also a...


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