har19138_ch17_386-402.indd Page 386 09/01/14 8:06 PM user /204/MH02032/har19138_disk1of1/0078119138/har19138_pagefiles cha pt er 17 Continuing the Pauline Tradition 2 Thessalonians, Colossians, Ephesians, and the Pastoral Epistles F Stand firm . . . and hold fast to the I traditions which you have learned from us by word or letter. N 2 Thessalonians 2:15 D Keep before you an outline of the sound teaching which you heard from me. . . . L Guard the treasure [apostolic tradition] put into our charge. 2 Timothy 1:13–14 E Y , Key Topics/Themes Paul’s continuing influence on the church was so great after his death that various Pauline disciples composed letters in his name and spirit, claiming his authority to settle new issues besetting the Christian community. Whereas a minority of scholars defend Pauline authorship of 2 Thessalonians and Colossians, a large majority are certain that he did not write Ephesians, 1 or 2 Timothy, or Titus. Repeating themes from Paul’s genuine letter to the Thessalonians, 2 Thessalonians reinterprets Paul’s original eschatology, asserting that a number of traditional apocalyptic “signs” must precede the eschaton. In Colossians, a close Pauline disciple emphasizes Jesus’ identification with the cosmic Six canonical letters in which the author explicitly identifies himself as Paul, Apostle to the Gentiles, contain discrepancies that cause scholars to question their Pauline authorship. Two of the letters—2 Thessalonians and Colossians—are still vigorously disputed, with a large minority 386 power and wisdom by and for which the S universe was created. The divine “secret” is revealed as Christ’s Spirit dwelling in the A believer. A deutero-Pauline composition, R Ephesians contains ideas similar to those in A Colossians, revising and updating Pauline concepts about God’s universal plan of salvation for both Jews and Gentiles and about believers’ 5spiritual warfare with supernatural evil. 3 Writing to Timothy and Titus as symbols of a new generation of Christians, an anonymous 1disciple (known as the Pastor) warns his 9readers against false teachings (heresy). He urges them to adhere strictly to the original B apostolic traditions, supported by the Hebrew U Bible and the church. championing their authenticity. But an overwhelming scholarly majority deny that Paul wrote the four others—Ephesians, 1 and 2 Timothy, and Titus. The latter three are called the pastoral epistles because the writer—as a pastor or shepherd— offers guidance and advice to his flock, the church. har19138_ch17_386-402.indd Page 387 09/01/14 8:06 PM user /204/MH02032/har19138_disk1of1/0078119138/har19138_pagefiles ch ap te r 17 co n ti n u i n g th e p au l i n e trad i ti o n According to tradition, Paul wrote 2 Thessalonians shortly after his first letter to believers at Thessalonica, and Ephesians and Colossians while imprisoned in Rome. After being released, he traveled to Crete, only to be thrown again in prison a second time (2 Tim.). During this second and final incarceration, the apostle supposedly composed these farewell letters to his trusted associates, Timothy and Titus, young men who represent a new generation of Christian leadership. Since the eighteenth century, however, scholars have increasingly doubted Paul’s responsibility for either Ephesians or the pastorals. More recently, they have also suspected that both 2 Thessalonians and Colossians are the work of later authors who adopted Paul’s persona. Detailed analyses of four of the six documents—Ephesians and the pastorals— strongly indicate that they were composed significantly after Paul’s time. The Problem of Pseudonymity The author of 2 Thessalonians tells his readers not to become overly excited if they receive a letter falsely bearing Paul’s name, indicating that the practice of circulating forged documents purportedly by apostolic writers had already begun (2 Thess. 2:1–3). Known as pseudonymity, the practice of creating new works in the name of a famous deceased author was widespread in both Hellenistic Judaism and early Christianity. From about 200 bce to 200 ce, Jewish writers produced a host of books ascribed to such revered biblical figures as Daniel, Enoch, Noah, David, Solomon, Isaiah, Ezra, and Moses. Some pseudonymous works, such as the Book of Daniel, were accepted into the Hebrew Bible canon; others, such as 1 Enoch (quoted as scripture in the canonical letter of Jude), were not. Still others, including the Wisdom of Solomon, Baruch, and the apocalyptic 2 Esdras, were regarded as deuterocanonical, part of the Old Testament’s “second canon.” 387 Disputed and Pseudonymous Letters Authorship, date, and place of composition of the disputed and pseudonymous letters are unknown. If 2 Thessalonians and Colossians are by Paul, the former was written about 50 ce and the latter perhaps a decade later. Ephesians, which incorporates ideas from some genuine Pauline letters, may have originated about 90 ce. The pastoral epistles were probably composed during the early decades of the second century ce by a Pauline disciple eager to use the apostle’s legacy to enforce church tradition and organizational structure. F Most scholars today view several books in I the New Testament as pseudonymous, the N productions of unknown Christians who adD opted the Jewish literary convention of writing an assumed identity. Scholars question L under the authenticity of not only six of the Pauline E letters but also of the seven catholic epistles, Y documents ascribed to the “pillars” of the , Jerusalem church whom Paul mentions in S A R A 5 3 1 9 B U Galatians: James, John, and Peter, as well as the letter of Jude, James’s putative brother (Gal. 2:9; see Chapter 18). In wrestling with the problem of pseudonymity in the early church, many scholars assume that pseudonymous authors wrote not to deceive but to perpetuate the thoughts of an apostle, to address later situations in the Christian community as they believed Peter or Paul would have if he were still alive. According to a common view, twenty-first century principles about the integrity of authorship were irrelevant in the Jewish and Greco-Roman worlds. In this view, ancient society tended to tolerate the practice of pseudonymity, a custom in which disciples of great thinkers were free to compose works in their respective masters’ names. Other scholars strongly disagree, pointing out that what little evidence we have of the early church’s recorded attitude toward pseudonymous writing does not support the notion that it was tolerated. When a short missive purporting to be Paul’s third letter to the Corinthians appeared, probably in the latter half of the second century ce, a few Christian groups apparently har19138_ch17_386-402.indd Page 388 12/01/14 3:37 PM user 388 /204/MH02032/har19138_disk1of1/0078119138/har19138_pagefiles p a r t fi ve pa ul and the paul i n e trad i ti o n accepted it. By insisting that the resurrection was a bodily phenomenon, 3 Corinthians was useful in combating the Gnostics, who denigrated all forms of material existence. The church as a whole, however, denounced the work as a forgery and removed from office the bishop who confessed to writing it. Tertullian, a church leader of the late second and early third centuries ce, claimed that the author of the spurious Acts of Paul and Thecla, when discovered, was similarly stripped of his position. (See the discussion of the Paul and Thecla narrative in Chapter 20.) Whereas some scholars believe that no work suspected of being pseudonymous would have been admitted to the canon, others argue that in the late first century and early decades of the second, documents attributed to Paul or other apostles—provided that they were theologically consistent with a celebrated leader’s known ideas—could be assimilated into Christian Scripture. How believers react to the claim that a number of books in the New Testament were written by someone other than their ostensible authors typically depends on a reader’s concept of biblical authority. For some people, the proposal that unknown Christians falsely assumed Paul’s identity is ethically unacceptable on the grounds that such forgeries could not become part of the Bible. Other believers may ask if the value of a disputed or pseudonymous book is based on its traditional link to the “apostolic” generation. Is it “apostolic” authorship only that justifies a document’s place in the New Testament canon? Or is it a book’s ethical and theological content that makes it valuable, regardless of who wrote it? Perhaps most important, if a particular writing is a forgery—a work falsely claiming Paul, Peter, or James as its author—does that authorial deception invalidate its message, especially if its contents are useful to the Christian life? (See Bart Ehrman in “Recommended Reading.”) We can only speculate about the motives that inspired pseudonymous Christian writers, but some may have wished to obtain a respectful hearing for their views that only a letter by Paul, Peter, or James could command. Some Pauline disciples, perhaps even some who were listed as coauthors in the genuine letters, may have wished, after Paul’s death, to address problems as they believed Paul would have. The fact that the historical Paul usually employed a secretary or amanuensis to whom he dictated his thoughts—and that in the ancient world an amanuensis supposedly rephrased dictation in his own style—further complicates the problem of authorship. Scholars defending the authenticity of disputed letters, Fsuch as 2 Thessalonians, Colossians, or 1 Peter, tend to emphasize the roles that different secreItaries played in shaping these documents. Other N critics suggest that pseudonymous authors may have incorporated fragments of otherwise unD letters that Paul or Peter actually comLknown posed. As the readings for this chapter and the E next indicate, scholarly speculation about plausible theories of authorship, genuine and pseuY ,donymous, abounds. In studying the literature dubiously attributed to Paul or fellow leaders of the early church, readers will exercise their own judgments about authenticity. Whatever their S degree of skepticism, they may conclude that A Colossians is worthy of the apostle or that, if Paul R wrote the Pastorals, they are a disappointing end to a brilliant writing career. A 5 Second Letter 3 to the Thessalonians 1 9An increasing number of scholars are skeptical B about the genuineness of 2 Thessalonians. If Paul actually composed it, why does he repeat— U almost verbatim—so much of what he had already just written to the same recipients? More seriously, why does the author present an eschatology so different from that presented in the first letter? In 1 Thessalonians, the Parousia will occur stealthily, “like a thief in the night.” In 2 Thessalonians, a number of apocalyptic “signs” will first advertise its arrival. The interposing of har19138_ch17_386-402.indd Page 389 09/01/14 8:06 PM user /204/MH02032/har19138_disk1of1/0078119138/har19138_pagefiles ch ap te r 17 co n ti n u i n g th e p au l i n e trad i ti o n these mysterious events between the writer’s time and that of the Parousia has the effect of placing the eschaton further into the future—unlike in 1 Thessalonians, where the End is extremely close. Scholars defending Pauline authorship advance several theories to explain the writer’s apparent change of attitude toward the Parousia. In the first letter, Paul underscores the tension between the shortness of time the world has left and the necessity of believers’ vigilance and ethical purity as they await the Second Coming. In the second missive, Paul writes to correct the Thessalonians’ misconceptions about or misuses of his earlier emphasis on the nearness of End time. If Paul is in fact the author, he probably wrote 2 Thessalonians within a few months of his earlier letter. Some converts, claiming that “the Day of the Lord is already here” (2:2), were upsetting others with their otherworldly enthusiasms. In their state of apocalyptic fervor, some even scorned everyday occupations and refused to work or support themselves. It is possible that the visionary Spirit of prophecy that Paul encouraged the Thessalonians to cultivate (1 Thess. 5:19–22) had come back to haunt him. Empowered by private revelations, a few Christian prophets may have interpreted the Spirit’s presence—made possible by Jesus’ resurrection and ascension to heaven—as a mystical fulfillment of the Parousia. According to this belief in presently realized eschatology, the Lord’s Day is now. Paul, however, consistently emphasizes that Jesus’ resurrection and the Spirit’s coming are only the first stage in God’s plan of cosmic renewal. God’s purpose can be completed only at the apocalyptic End of history. Placing the Second Coming in Perspective In 2 Thessalonians, Paul (or some other writer building on his thought) takes on the difficult task of urging Christians to be ever alert and prepared for the Lord’s return and at the same time to remember that certain events F I N D L E Y , S A R A 389 must take place before the Second Coming can occur. The writer achieves this delicate balance partly by insisting on a rational and practical approach to life during the unknown interim between his writing and the Parousia. In introducing his apocalyptic theme, the author invokes a vivid image of the Final Judgment to imprint its imminent reality on his readers’ consciousness. He paraphrases images from the Hebrew prophets to imply that persons now persecuting Christians will soon suffer God’s wrath. Christ will be revealed from heaven amid blazing fire, overthrowing those who disobey Jesus’ gospel or fail to honor the one God (1:1–12). Having assured the Thessalonians that their present opponents will be punished at Jesus’ return, Paul (or a disciple) now admonishes them not to assume that the punishment will happen immediately. Believers are not to run wild over some visionary’s claim that the End is already here. Individual prophetic revelations declaring that Jesus is now invisibly present were apparently strengthened when a letter—supposedly from Paul—conveyed the same or a similar message. (This pseudo-Pauline letter reveals that the practice of composing letters in Paul’s name began very early in Christian history.) Speculations founded on private revelations or forged letters, the apostle points out, are doomed to disappoint those who fall for them (2:1–3). 5 Traditional (Non-Pauline?) 3 Signs of the End 1 As mentioned previously, one of the strongest 9 arguments against Paul’s authorship of 2 B Thessalonians is the letter’s presentation of U eschatological events that presage the End. Although the writer argues for the Parousia’s imminence (1:6–10), he also insists that the final day cannot arrive until certain developments characteristic of Jewish apocalyptic thought have occurred. At this point, 2 Thessalonians reverts to the cryptic and veiled language of apocalyptic discourse, referring to mysterious personages and events that may have been har19138_ch17_386-402.indd Page 390 09/01/14 8:06 PM user 390 /204/MH02032/har19138_disk1of1/0078119138/har19138_pagefiles p a r t fi ve pa ul and the paul i n e trad i ti o n understood by the letter’s recipients but that are largely incomprehensible to contemporary readers. The End cannot come before the final rebellion against God’s rule, when evil is revealed in human form as a demonic enemy who desecrates the Temple and claims divinity for himself. In this passage, Paul’s terminology resembles that contained in the Book of Daniel, an apocalyptic work denouncing Antiochus IV, a Greek-Syrian king who polluted the Jerusalem Temple and tried to destroy the Jewish religion (see Chapter 5). Some commentators suggest that Paul regards the Roman emperor, whose near-absolute power gave him virtually unlimited potential for inflicting evil on humankind, as a latter-day counterpart of Antiochus. Paul’s explicitly stated view of the Roman government, however, is positive (Rom. 13), so readers must look elsewhere to identify the doomed figure. Reminding the Thessalonians that he had previously informed them orally of these apocalyptic developments, Paul states that the mysterious enemy’s identity will not be disclosed until the appointed time. This is an allusion to the typically apocalyptic belief that all history is predestined: Events cannot occur before their divinely predetermined hour. Evil forces are already at work, however, secretly gathering strength until the unidentified “Restrainer” disappears, allowing the evil personage to reveal himself. Apocalyptic Dualism In this passage, the writer paints a typically apocalyptic worldview, a moral dualism in which the opposing powers of good and evil have their respective agents at work on earth. The enemy figure is Satan’s agent; his opposite is Christ. As Jesus is God’s representative working in human history, so the wicked rebel is the devil’s tool. Operating on a cosmic scope, the conflict between good and evil culminates in Christ’s victory over his enemy, who has deceived the mass of humanity into believing the “lie.” (This is, perhaps, the false belief that any being other than God is the source of humanity’s ultimate welfare.) An evil parody of the Messiah, the unnamed satanic dupe functions as an anti-Christ (2:3–12). The writer’s language is specific enough to arouse speculation about the identities of the enigmatic “wicked man” and the “Restrainer” who at the time of writing kept the anti-Christ in check. It is also vague enough to preclude connecting any known historical figures with these eschatological roles. In typical apocalyptic fashion, the figures are mythic archetypes that belong to a realm beyond the reach of historical investigation. F I A Disputed Letter N to the Colossians D LIf Paul is the author of Colossians, as a large E minority of scholars believe, he had not yet visited the city when he wrote this theologically Y ,important letter. A small town in the Roman province of Asia, Colossae was located about 100 miles east of Ephesus, the provincial capital (see Figure 16.1). Epaphras, one of Paul’s misS sionary associates, had apparently founded the A church a short time prior to Paul’s writing (1:7). R If genuine, Colossians was probably composed at about the same time as Philemon, to A which it is closely related. In both letters, Paul writes from prison, including his friend Timothy 5in the salutation (1:1) and adding greetings 3from many of the same persons—such as 1Onesimus, Archippus, Aristarchus, Epaphras, Mark, and Luke—cited in the earlier missive 9(4:9–18). If Philemon’s was the house church at B Colossae, it is strange that Paul does not mention him, but his absence from the letter does U not discredit Pauline authorship. Purpose and Organization Although it was not one of his churches, Paul (or one of his later disciples) writes to the Colossae congregation to correct some false teachings prevalent there. These beliefs apparently involved cults that gave undue honor to har19138_ch17_386-402.indd Page 391 09/01/14 8:06 PM user /204/MH02032/har19138_disk1of1/0078119138/har19138_pagefiles ch ap te r 17 co n ti n u i n g th e p au l i n e trad i ti o n angels or other invisible spirits inhabiting the universe. Some Colossians may have attempted to worship beings that the angels themselves worshiped. Paul refutes these “hollow and delusive” notions by emphasizing Christ’s uniqueness and supremacy. Christ alone is the channel to spiritual reality; lesser spirit beings are merely his “captives.” The author’s purpose is to make sure that the Colossians clearly recognize who Christ really is. He emphasizes two principal themes: (1) Christ is supreme because God’s power now manifested in him was the same power that created the entire universe, including those invisible entities the false teachers mistakenly worship; and (2) when they realize Christ’s supremacy and experience his indwelling Spirit, the Colossians are initiated into his mystery cult, voluntarily harmonizing their lives with the cosmic unity he embodies. Christ—The Source of Cosmic Unity In the opinion of some analysts, both the complex nature of the false teachings, which seem to blend Greco-Roman and marginally Jewish ideas into a Gnostic synthesis, and the Christology of Colossians seem too “advanced” for the letter to have originated in Paul’s day. Other critics point out that, if the letter was written late in Paul’s career to meet a situation significantly different from others he had earlier encountered, it could well have stimulated the apostle to produce a more fully developed expression of his views about Christ’s nature and function. Jesus as the Mediator of Creation As in the second chapter of Philippians, the author seems to adapt an older Christian hymn to illustrate his vision of the exalted Jesus’ cosmic role: He is the image of the invisible god, the firstborn of all creation; for in him all things were created, in heaven and on earth, visible and invisible, whether thrones or dominions or principalities or authorities, 391 all things were created through him and for him. He is before all things, and in him all things hold together. He is the head of the body, the church; He is the beginning, the first-born from the dead, that in everything he might be preeminent. For in him all the fullness of God was pleased to dwell, and through him to reconcile to himself all things, whether on earth or in heaven, making peace by the blood of his cross. (1:15–20, Revised Standard Version) F I N Like the prologue to John’s Gospel, this beautiD ful poem is modeled on biblical and HellenisticJewish concepts of divine Wisdom (Prov. 8:22–31; L Ecclus . 24:1–22; see also the discussion of E John’s usage of Logos [Word] in Chapter 10). Y Hellenistic Jews had created a rich lore of specu, lative thought in which God’s chief attribute, his S A R A 5 3 1 9 B U infinite Wisdom, is the source of all creation and the means by which he communicates his purpose to humanity. Many historians believe that early Christian thinkers adopted these ready-made wisdom traditions and applied them to Jesus. Like Philippians 2, the Colossians hymn is traditionally seen as proclaiming Jesus’ heavenly preexistence and his personal role as mediator in creation. More recently, many scholars—recognizing the hymn’s use of wisdom language—view it as a declaration that the same divine Presence and Power that created the Cosmos now operates in the glorified Christ. The personified Wisdom whom God employed as his agent in fashioning the universe is now fully revealed in Christ, the agent through whom God redeems his human creation. The phrase “image [eikon] of the invisible God” (1:15) may correspond to the phrase “form [morphes] of God” that Paul used in Philippians (2:6). In both cases, the term echoes the words of Genesis 1, in which God creates the first human beings in his own “image” (Gen. 1:26–27). (The writer describes the Colossians har19138_ch17_386-402.indd Page 392 09/01/14 8:06 PM user 392 /204/MH02032/har19138_disk1of1/0078119138/har19138_pagefiles p a r t fi ve pa ul and the paul i n e trad i ti o n as also bearing the divine “image” [3:10].) Rather than asserting that the prehuman Jesus was literally present at creation, the hymn may affirm that he is the ultimate goal toward which God’s world trends. Whatever Christology he advances, the writer’s main purpose is to demonstrate Christ’s present superiority to all rival cosmic beings. The “thrones, sovereignties, authorities and powers” mentioned (1:16) probably represent the Jewish hierarchy of angels. Christ’s perfect obedience, vindicating God’s image in humanity, and his ascension to heaven have rendered these lesser beings irrelevant and powerless. By his triumph, Christ leads them captive as a Roman emperor leads a public procession of conquered enemies (2:9–15). Moving from Christ’s supremacy to his own role in the divine plan, Paul states that his task is to deliver God’s message of reconciliation. He is the agent chosen to reveal the divine “ secret hidden for long ages”—the glorified Christ dwelling in the believer, spiritually reuniting the Christian with God. Christians thus form Christ’s visible body, here identified with the church (1:21–2:8). The Mystical Initiation into Christ Employing the rather obscure language of Greek mystery religions (see Chapter 4), Paul compares the Christian’s baptism to a vicarious experience of Christ’s death and resurrection (2:12, 20; 3:1). It is also the Christian equivalent of circumcision, the ritual sign that identifies one as belonging to God’s people, and the rite of initiation into Christ’s “body” (2:12–14). Raised to new life, initiated believers are liberated from religious obligations sponsored by those lesser spirits who transmitted the Torah revelation to Moses. Empowered by Christ’s Spirit, the Colossians should not be intimidated by self-styled authorities who mortify the body and piously forbid partaking of certain food and drink, for Christ’s death ended all such legal discriminations. Although the author declares the equality of all believers, regardless of nationality or social class, he omits the unity of the sexes that Paul included in Galatians 3:28 (2:20–3:11). As with many Greco-Roman mystery cults, initiation into Christ is a union of social and religious equality. Obligations of Initiation Consistent with Paul’s custom, the author concludes by underlining the ethical implications of his theology. Because Christians experience the indwelling Christ, they must live exceptionally pure and upright lives. The list of vices (3:5–9) and virtues F(3:12–25) is typical of other Hellenistic teachers of ethics, but the writer adds a distinctively IChristian note: Believers behave well because N they are being re-created in Christ’s nature and “image” (3:10). D L E Letter to the Ephesians Y ,The Case of Ephesians Whereas Paul’s authorship of Colossians is seriously doubted, the claim that he wrote S Ephesians is widely denied. Although it closely A resembles Colossians (the style and theology of R which also seem untypical of Paul), Ephesians differs from the undisputed Pauline letters in A (1) vocabulary (containing over ninety words not found elsewhere in Paul’s writings), (2) liter5ary style (written in extremely long, convoluted 3sentences, in contrast to Paul’s usually direct, 1forceful statements), and (3) theology (lacking typically Pauline doctrines such as justifi9cation by faith and the nearness of Christ’s B return). U Despite its similarity to Colossians (75 of Ephesians’ 155 verses parallel passages in Colossians), it presents a different view of the sacred “secret” or “mystery” revealed in Christ. In Colossians, God’s long-kept secret is Christ’s mystical union with his followers (Col. 1:27), but in Ephesians, it is the union of Jew and Gentile in one church (Eph. 3:6). More than any other disputed letter (except those to Timothy and Titus), Ephesians har19138_ch17_386-402.indd Page 393 09/01/14 8:06 PM user /204/MH02032/har19138_disk1of1/0078119138/har19138_pagefiles ch ap te r 17 co n ti n u i n g th e p au l i n e trad i ti o n seems to reflect a time in church history significantly later than Paul’s day. References to “Apostles and prophets” as the church’s foundation imply that these figures belong to the past, not the author’s generation (2:20; 3:5). The Gentiles’ equality in Christian fellowship is no longer a controversial issue but an accomplished fact; this strongly suggests that the letter originated after the church membership had become largely non-Jewish (2:11–22). Judaizing interlopers no longer question Paul’s stand on circumcision, again indicating that the work was composed after Jerusalem’s destruction had largely eliminated the influence of the Jewish parent church. When Paul uses the term “church” (ekklesia), he always refers to a single congregation (Gal. 1:2; 1 Cor . 11:16; 16:19, etc.). In contrast, Ephesians’ author speaks of the “church” collectively, a universal institution encompassing all individual groups. This view of the church as a worldwide entity also points to a time after the apostolic period. The cumulative evidence convinces most scholars that Ephesians is a deutero-Pauline document, a secondary work composed in Paul’s name by an admirer thoroughly steeped in the apostle’s thought and theology. The close parallels to Colossians, as well as phrases taken from Romans, Philemon, and other letters, indicate that unlike the author of Acts, this unknown writer was familiar with the Pauline correspondence. Some scholars propose that Ephesians was written as a kind of “cover letter” or essay to accompany an early collection of Paul’s letters. Ephesians, then, can be seen as a tribute to Paul, summarizing some of his ideas and updating others to fit the changing needs of a largely Gentile and cosmopolitan church. The phrase “in Ephesus” (1:1), identifying the recipients, does not appear in any of the oldest manuscripts. That fact, plus the absence of any specific issue or problem being addressed, reinforces the notion that Ephesians was intended to circulate among several churches in Asia Minor. 393 Date and Organization If the letter to the Ephesians is by Paul, it probably originated from his Roman prison (60–64 ce). But if it is by a later Pauline disciple, as almost all scholars believe, Ephesians likely was written about the time Paul’s letters first circulated as a unit, perhaps about 90 ce. Ephesians’ diverse contents can be subsumed under two major headings: 1. God’s plan of salvation through the unified body of the church (1:3–3:21) 2. Instructions for living in the world while united to Christ (4:1–6:20) F I Despite its long and sometimes awkward N sentence structures (rephrased into shorter D units in most English translations), Ephesians is L a masterpiece of devotional literature. Unlike E Paul’s undisputed letters, it has a quiet and Y meditative tone, with no temperamental outbursts or attacks on the writer’s enemies. , Although it imitates the letter form by including a brief salutation (1:1–2) and a final greeting (6:21–24), Ephesians is really a highly sophisticated tract. S A R A God’s Plan of Salvation Through the United Body of Christ 5 Ephesians’ main theme is the union of all cre3 ation with Christ, manifested on earth by the 1 church’s international unity (1:10–14). Echoing Romans’ concept of predestination, the author 9 states that before the world’s foundation God B selected Christ’s future “children” (composing U the church) to be redeemed by Jesus’ blood, a sacrifice through which the chosen ones’ sins are forgiven. According to his preordained plan, God has placed Christ as head of the church, which is his body. The Spirit of Christ now fills the church as fully as God dwells in Christ (1:22–23). This mystical union of the human and divine is God’s unforeseen gift, his grace that saves those who trust him (2:1–10). har19138_ch17_386-402.indd Page 394 09/01/14 8:06 PM user 394 /204/MH02032/har19138_disk1of1/0078119138/har19138_pagefiles p a r t fi ve pa ul and the paul i n e trad i ti o n box 17.1 Have Believers Already Experienced Resurrection to New Life? Two of the letters whose Pauline authorship is disputed—Colossians and Ephesians— seem to accord believers a higher spiritual status than Paul gives them. In writing to the Corinthians, Paul had chastised those recipients—presumably, those who claimed superior “wisdom” (1 Cor. 1:18–3:23; 4:6–5:20)—who boasted that they had already “come into [their] kingdom” (1 Cor. 4:8–9). In repudiating those who behaved as if they had already attained guarantees of immortal life, Paul makes clear that Christians’ attainment of spiritual validation and resurrection to immortality is still to come; it is tantalizingly near, but not yet (1 Cor. 15; cf. Rom. 6:4). In Colossians, however, the writer appears to have adopted the “wise” Corinthians’ viewpoint: “For in baptism also you were raised to life with him through your faith in the active power of God who raised him from the dead” (2:12). Few New Testament writers can rival the author of Ephesians in his enthusiastic portrayal of the spiritual bounty that Christians enjoy. The “Father” not only “gives [us] the spiritual powers of wisdom and vision” by which we can come to know the divine nature but also provides believers with “the entire fullness of God” (2:17–18, 22–23). Those trusting in God can therefore draw upon the sustaining forces of the entire universe, the “vast . . . resources of [God’s] power” (2:19). (For a discussion of believers’ spiritually exalted status, see Box 17.1.) The Sacred Secret—the Union of Jews and Gentiles in One Church God’s long-hidden secret is that Gentiles, previously under divine condemnation, can now share in the biblical promises made to Israel. This divine purpose to unite Jew and Gentile in equal grace is the special message that Paul is commissioned to Believers are now “alive with Christ” (2:13). Ephesians makes an even more startling claim about believers’ state of being: “God . . . brought us to life with Christ even when we were dead in our sins; . . . and in union with Christ Jesus he raised us up and enthroned us with him in the heavenly realm” (Eph. 2:4–7). In such passages affirming believers’ present spiritual exaltation— a celestial enthronement in which they already Frule with Christ—these (post-Pauline?) writers approach the realized eschatology of John’s IGospel. Muting Paul’s apocalyptic hope for an imminent Parousia, Colossians and Ephesians reN semble John’s nonapocalyptic conviction: “anyD one who . . . puts his trust in him who sent me has Lhold of eternal life . . . [and] has already passed from death to life.” In fact, that “time” of transE formation “is already here” (John 5:24–25; cf. Y 11:24–26). , S A preach (3:1–21). (It is significant that the writer R assumes a general acceptance of the Gentiledominated church, a condition that did not A exist in Paul’s day.) 5 3Instructions for Living in the World 1Ephesians’ last three chapters are devoted to instructions on living properly in the world 9while remaining united to Christ. Combining B ideas from Philippians 2 and Colossians 1, the author reinterprets the concept of Jesus’ deU scent from and reascension to the spirit realm whereby he made lesser spirits his prisoners and filled the universe with his presence. The author may also allude to Jesus’ descent into the Underworld, a mythical exploit that appears in 1 Peter (3:19–20) (see Box 18.2). Advancing Paul’s conviction that the Christian revelation requires the highest ethical conduct, Ephesians contrasts Greco-Roman har19138_ch17_386-402.indd Page 395 09/01/14 8:06 PM user /204/MH02032/har19138_disk1of1/0078119138/har19138_pagefiles ch ap te r 17 co n ti n u i n g th e p au l i n e trad i ti o n figure 17 .1 Bas-relief of Roman soldiers. The Book of Ephesians’ famous description of a Christian’s spiritual defenses against evil is based on the armor and other military equipment used by Roman soldiers (Eph. 6:13–17). vices with Christian virtues and urges believers to transform their personalities to fit God’s new creation (4:17–5:20). Home life is to be as reverent and orderly as behavior in church. Although he insists on a domestic hierarchy—“man is the head of the woman, just as Christ . . . is head of the church”—the writer reminds husbands to love their wives and thus to honor them as a treasured equivalent of the self (5:21–6:9). Ephesians endorses the rigid social and domestic hierarchy of Greco-Roman society but makes the system more humane by insisting that Christian love apply to all public and private relationships. Heavenly Armor In Ephesians’ most famous passage, the Pauline analogy of Christians armed like Roman soldiers is vividly elaborated (see Figure 17.1). In 1 Thessalonians (5:8), Paul urges believers to imitate armed sentries who stay awake on guard duty, for Christians F I N D L E Y , S A R A 5 3 1 9 B U 395 must remain similarly alert for Christ’s sudden reappearance. Ephesians discards the eschatological context of Paul’s metaphor, however, and instead presents an ongoing battle between good and evil with no end in sight. In the genuine Pauline letters, the apostle foresees evil demolished at Christ’s Second Coming. The Ephesian writer, in contrast, paints a picture of cosmic conflict reminiscent of Zoroastrianism— the Persian religion in which the world is viewed as a battlefield between invisible forces of light and dark, good and evil. In Zoroastrian terms, the Ephesian Paul describes two levels of “cosmic powers”—the earthly rulers of the present dark age and the invisible forces of evil in heaven (6:10–12). Like Mark, the author apparently senses the reality of an evil so powerful that mere human wickedness cannot explain it. (For an insightful interpretation of the “powers” as entrenched social attitudes and practices that resist God’s Spirit, see Wink in “Recommended Reading.”) Instead of despairing, however, he rejoices that God provides ammunition with which successfully to defeat even supernatural evil. According to the author, each article of God’s armor is a Christian virtue; cultivated together, qualities like truth and faith offer full protection from the devil’s worst attacks (6:13–19). Rich in spiritual insight, Ephesians is a creative summary of some major Pauline concepts. Even if not by Paul, it is nevertheless a significant celebration of Christian ideals, an achievement worthy of the great apostle himself. The Pastorals: Letters to Timothy and Titus In the opinion of most scholars, the case against Paul’s connection with the pastorals is overwhelming. Besides the fact that they do not appear in early lists of Paul’s canonical works, the pastorals seem to reflect conditions that prevailed long after Paul’s day, perhaps as late as har19138_ch17_386-402.indd Page 396 09/01/14 8:06 PM user 396 /204/MH02032/har19138_disk1of1/0078119138/har19138_pagefiles p a r t fi ve pa ul and the paul i n e trad i ti o n the first half of the second century ce. Lacking Paul’s characteristic ideas about faith and the Spirit, they are also un-Pauline in their flat prose style and different vocabulary (containing 306 words not found in Paul’s unquestioned letters). Furthermore, the pastorals assume a church organization far more developed than that current in the apostle’s time. Known for convenience as “the Pastor,” the same Pauline disciple is the author of all three pastoral letters. He views Paul’s teaching as the norm or standard for all Christians and writes primarily to combat false teachings, urging the church to reject any deviations from the apostolic heritage. An examination of the Pastor’s interpretation of Pauline thought shows that he does not always use terms in the same way as his master, nor is he as vigorous and creative a thinker. Writing to preserve an inherited tradition and bolster the authority of an increasingly well-organized church, he tends to view Christian faith as a set of static doctrines rather than as the ecstatic experience of Christ that Paul knew. Letters to Timothy The first two pastorals are addressed to Timothy, the son of a Jewish mother and a Greek father (Acts 16:1), who served as Paul’s missionary companion and trusted friend (1 Cor . 4:17; 16:10). According to Acts and Paul’s authentic letters, Timothy was an important contributor to Paul’s missionary campaigns in Greece and Asia Minor, a cofounder of churches in Macedonia, and later a diplomatic emissary to Philippi, Thessalonica, and Corinth. In listing him as coauthor of as many as six different letters, Paul (and perhaps also disciples who followed him) affirms Timothy’s vital role in the expansion of Pauline Christianity (1 Thess. 1:1; 2 Thess. 1:1; 2 Cor. 1:1; Phil. 1:1; Philem. 1:1; Col. 1:1). In the pastorals, however, Timothy is less a historical character than a literary symbol, representative of a new generation of believers to whom the task of preserving apostolic truths is entrusted. Youthful (postapostolic) Christians must take on the job of defending “wholesome doctrine” against devilish heresies (1 Tim. 4:2, 11–12). 1 Timothy Organization The first letter to Timothy does not present us with a smooth progression of thought, so it makes sense to examine it in terms of topics rather than the somewhat haphazard sequence in which the author presents his material: F1. Timothy’s duty to repress false teachings I2. Church order: the qualifications of bishops, N deacons, and elders 3. The roles of women and slaves D LAttacks on False Teachings (Heresies) As inherE itor of the true faith, Timothy is to combat church members’ wrong ideas (1:3). Because Y ,the Pastor, unlike Paul, does not offer a ratio- nal criticism of his opponents’ errors, we do not know the exact nature of the beliefs being attacked. Some commentators suggest that S the false teachers practiced an early form of A Gnosticism, a cult of secret “knowledge” menR tioned in 6:20, but the letter reveals too little about the heresies involved to confirm this A theory. Because the author describes the deviants 5as teaching “the moral law” and being wrongly 3preoccupied with “interminable myths and ge1nealogies” (1:3–4, 7–9), many critics suppose that some form of Hellenistic Judaism is under 9attack. Practicing an extreme asceticism (seB vere self-discipline of the physical appetites), these persons forbid marriage and abstain from U various foods (4:1–3). Gnostic practices took diverse forms, ranging from the kind of selfdenial mentioned here to the libertine behavior Paul rebuked in Corinth, Galatia, and elsewhere. Timothy (and the pastorship he represents) must correct such misguided austerity by transmitting the correct Pauline teachings (4:11), thereby saving both himself and those who obey his orders (4:16). har19138_ch17_386-402.indd Page 397 09/01/14 8:06 PM user /204/MH02032/har19138_disk1of1/0078119138/har19138_pagefiles ch ap te r 17 co n ti n u i n g th e p au l i n e trad i ti o n Qualifications for Church Offices Invoking Paul’s authority, the Pastor is eager to preserve sound doctrine through a stable church organization. His list of qualifications for bishops (overseers), deacons (assistants), and elders (the religiously mature leadership) implies a hierarchy of church offices much more rigidly stratified than was the case in Paul’s day. Paul once used the terms “bishop” and “deacon” (Phil. 1:1), but presumably as designating areas of service rather than the specific ecclesiastical offices enumerated here. Although the author says that church officials must demonstrate all the virtues typical of Hellenistic ethical philosophy (3:2–23), he says nothing about their intellectual qualifications or possession of the Spirit. Rather than the spiritual gifts that Paul advocates, the Pastor’s standards for church offices are merely hallmarks of social respectability. The Pastor’s list of requirements for leadership in an increasingly institutionalized community indicates the distance his church has moved from early Christian origins. The historical Jesus, an unmarried itinerant prophet who stirred controversy and public criticism even in his hometown, would seem to be excluded from holding an official position in the Pastor’s church. Nor would Paul himself—by choice unmarried and a lightning rod for inchurch dissension, a catalyst for public riots, and a frequently arrested and imprisoned disturber of the peace—qualify as the Pastor’s version of a responsible church leader (cf. 2 Cor. 10–13). The Pastor regards the institution of the church—rather than the Spirit of Christ dwelling in believers—as “the pillar and bulwark of the truth” (3:15). In the writer’s time, an organization administered by right-thinking leaders replaces the dynamic and charismatic fellowship of the Pauline congregations. The Church Hierarchy In 1 Timothy, the church membership reflects the social order of the larger Greco-Roman society external to it. Bishops, deacons, and elders govern a mixed 397 group composed of different social classes, including heads of households, masters, slaves, wives, widows, and children, all of whom are commanded to submit to their respective superiors. F I N D L E Y , S A R A 5 3 1 9 B U Women Whereas Paul recognizes women as prophets and speakers (1 Cor. 11:5), the Pastor does not permit women to teach because the first woman, Eve, was weak-minded and tempted her husband to sin (2:8–15) (see Chapter 13). The detailed instruction on women’s dress and conduct in 1 Timothy probably applies to public worship and parallels the restricted position assigned women in GrecoRoman society. A reflection of then-current social customs, it is not logically defensible or a timeless prescription limiting women’s participation in Christian life. In his discussion of the church’s treatment of widows, the Pastor distinguishes between “true” widows who demonstrate their worth by good deeds and women who are unqualified for that status because of their youth or inappropriate conduct. Following Jewish law (Exod. 22:22; Deut. 24: 17–24), the church early assumed responsibilities for supporting destitute widows (Acts 6:1), but the author stipulates that widows must be sixty years old before they can qualify for financial assistance. Relatives must support underage widows (5:3–16). The author seems uninterested in the fate of young widows who have no family to help them. As Christians are to pray for government rulers (2:1–3), so slaves are to recognize their duties to masters and obey them (6:1–2). Yet the rich and powerful are reminded to share their wealth (6: 17–19). Those ambitious to acquire riches are told that a passion for money is the cause of much evil, a source of grief and lost faith (6:9–10). The letter ends with an admonishment to Timothy to guard the apostolic legacy given him. Anyone who disagrees with the Pastor’s updated interpretation of Paul’s doctrine is “a pompous ignoramus” (6:3). har19138_ch17_386-402.indd Page 398 09/01/14 8:06 PM user 398 /204/MH02032/har19138_disk1of1/0078119138/har19138_pagefiles p a r t fi ve pa ul and the paul i n e trad i ti o n 2 Timothy Of the three pastorals, 2 Timothy most closely resembles Paul’s genuine letters. Although the letter is similarly concerned with refuting false teachings, its tone is more intimate and personal. Especially poignant are several passages in which the author depicts himself as abandoned by former associates and languishing alone in prison except for the companionship of Luke (1:15; 4:9–11, 16). Although these and other flashes of Paul’s characteristic vigor and emotional fire (see 4:6–8, 17–18) lead some scholars to speculate that the work contains fragments of otherwise lost Pauline letters, such theories are not widely accepted. The part of 2 Timothy with the best claim to Pauline authorship is the section ending the letter (4:6–22), in which the writer emulates the fluctuations between lofty thoughts and mundane practicalities so typical of the apostle. In the first part, he compares himself to a runner winning the athlete’s coveted prize—not the Greek competitor’s laurel crown, but a “garland of righteousness” justifying him on God’s Judgment Day (4:6–8). Switching abruptly to practical matters, the author asks the recipient to remember to bring his books when he comes. In another quick change of subject, he complains that during his court hearing nobody appeared in his defense and that the testimony of one “Alexander the coppersmith” seriously damaged his case. Then, in a seemingly contradictory about face, the writer states that he has (metaphorically) escaped the “lion’s jaws” and expects to be kept safe until the Parousia (4:13–18). Although such rapid changes of subject and shifts from gloom to optimism characterize Paul’s genuine correspondence, most scholars believe that the entire document is the Pastor’s work. The more vivid passages are simply the writer’s most successful homage to the apostle’s memory. In describing the false teachings within the church that he identifies as signs of the last days, the Pastor reveals that he is using Paul to predict conditions that characterize the writer’s own time. During the world’s last days (3:1), hypocrites insinuate their way into Christians’ homes, corrupting their occupants. These pretenders typically prey upon women because, in the Pastor’s insulting opinion, even when eager to learn, women lack the ability to understand true doctrine (3:6–8). Instead of the false teachings’ being punished at the Second Coming, the Pastor implies, the mere passage of time will expose their errors (3:9). As in 1 Timothy, the Pastor does not refute the heretics with logical argument but merely Fcalls them names and lists their vices (3:1–6, 13; 4:3–4), duplicating the catalogues of misbehavIior common in Hellenistic philosophical N schools. Even believers do not adhere to healthy beliefs but, instead, tolerate leaders who flatter D with what they want to hear. LthemWhereas the church is the stronghold of E faith in 1 Timothy, in 2 Timothy the Hebrew Bible is the standard of religious orthodoxy Y ,(correct teaching), confounding error and directing believers to salvation. Scripture also provides the mental discipline necessary to equip the believer for right action (3:15–17). S A Concluding with his memorable picture of the apostle courageously facing martyrdom, R the Pastor graciously includes all the faithful in Christ’s promised deliverance. Not only Paul A but all who trust in Jesus’ imminent return will win the victor’s crown at the Parousia (4:6–8). 5 3Letter to Titus 1Although it is the shortest of the pastorals, Titus 9has the longest salutation, a fulsome recapitulation of Paul’s credentials and the recipient’s B significance (1:1–4). This highly formal introU duction would be inappropriate in a personal letter from Paul to his friend, but it is understandable as the Pastor’s way of officially transmitting Paul’s authoritative instruction to an apostolic successor. Titus The historical Titus, a Greek youth whom Paul refused to have circumcised (Gal. 2), accompanied the apostle on his missionary har19138_ch17_386-402.indd Page 399 09/01/14 8:06 PM user /204/MH02032/har19138_disk1of1/0078119138/har19138_pagefiles ch ap te r 17 co n ti n u i n g th e p au l i n e trad i ti o n tours of Greece, acting as Paul’s emissary to reconcile the rebellious Corinthians (Gal. 2:1, 3, 10; 2 Cor. 8:6, 16–23). Like the “Timothy” of the other pastorals, however, “Titus” also represents the postapostolic church leadership, the prototype of those preserving the Pauline traditions. Consequently, the commission of “Titus” is to establish an orthodox and qualified ministry. The letter’s chief purpose is to outline the requirements and some of the duties of church elders and bishops. Organization Titus can be divided into two main sections: 1. Qualifications for the Christian ministry 2. Christian behavior in an ungodly world Qualifications for the Christian Ministry The writer states that he left “Titus” in Crete, an ancient island center of Greek civilization, to install church assistants (elders) in every town (1:5). Such persons must be eminently respectable married men who keep their children under strict parental control (1:6). Besides possessing these domestic credentials, bishops (church supervisors) must also have a reputation for devotion, self-control, and hospitality (1:7–8). Again, the writer says nothing about the leaders’ mental or charismatic gifts, so highly valued in the Pauline churches (2 Cor. 11–14). One of the bishop’s primary functions is to guard the received religion, adhering to established beliefs and correcting dissenters (1:7–9). Titus is the only book in the New Testament that uses the term heretic (3:10), which at the time of writing (early to mid-second century) probably meant a person who held opinions contrary to those of emerging church authority. Such dissenters are to be warned twice and then ignored (excluded from the church?) if they fail to change their ways (3:10–11). Christian Behavior in an Ungodly World The Pastor reminds his readers that because they are Christians in a nonbelieving world they must live exemplary lives of obedience and submission 399 to governmental authorities (3:1). Men and women, old and young, slaves and masters—all are to behave in a way that publicly reflects well on their religion (2:1–10). Christians must preserve an ethically pure community while awaiting Christ’s return (2:13–14). In a moving passage, the author contrasts the negative personality traits that many believers had before their conversion with the grace and hope for eternal life that they now possess (3:3–8). In counsel similar to that in the letter of James, he urges believers to show their faith in admirable and useful deeds and to refrain from “foolish speculations, genealogies, quarrels, and controversies over the Law” (3:9–10). F I N D L The Pastor’s Contribution E Y Although compared to Paul’s the Pastor’s style is generally weak and colorless (except , for some passages in 2 Tim.), the Pastor sucS A R A 5 3 1 9 B U cessfully promotes Paul’s continuing authority in the church. His insistence that Paul’s teaching, as he understood it, be followed and that church leaders actively employ apostolic doctrines to refute false teachers helped to ensure that the international Christian community would build its future on an apostolic foundation. Although the Pastor values continuity, he does not seem to show an equal regard for continuing the individual revelations and ecstatic experiences of Christ’s Spirit that characterized the Pauline churches. Regarding the “laying on of hands” as the correct means of conferring authority (2 Tim. 1:6), he would probably not welcome another like Paul who insisted that his private experience of Jesus— not ordination by his predecessors—validated his calling. Using Scripture, inherited doctrines, and the institutional church as guarantors of orthodoxy, the Pastor sees the Christian revelation as already complete, a static legacy from the past. He ignores Paul’s injunction not to “stifle inspiration” or prophetic speech har19138_ch17_386-402.indd Page 400 09/01/14 8:06 PM user 400 /204/MH02032/har19138_disk1of1/0078119138/har19138_pagefiles p a r t fi ve pa ul and the paul i n e trad i ti o n (1 Thess. 5:19–20); his intense conservatism allows little room for future enlightenment. Summary Although it may shock modern sensibilities, innumerable ancient writers—Jewish, Greco-Roman, and Christian—practiced pseudonymity, composing books under the names of famous dead authors. In the decades following Paul’s demise, several groups of Christians apparently contended for the right to claim the Pauline legacy and to use his posthumous authority to settle later church problems. Two letters, 2 Thessalonians and Colossians—seem to be much closer to genuine Pauline thought than Ephesians or the Pastorals, which emphasize the kind of church offices and institutional structure that evolved after his day. Questions for Review 1. Define the term pseudonymity and explain its practice among Hellenistic-Jewish and early Christian writers. Which books of the New Testament do many scholars think are pseudonymous? 2. In what specific ways concerning Jesus’ return does 2 Thessalonians differ from Paul’s first letter to the Thessalonians? What elements in the second letter make scholars suspect that it was written after Paul’s day? Describe the conventional apocalyptic “signs” that the writer says must occur before the End. 3. Summarize the arguments for and against Paul’s authorship of Colossians. 4. What factors cause scholars to doubt Paul’s authorship of Ephesians? In this document, how are Christ and the church related? What does their union imply for believers? What is the significance of the author’s emphasizing warfare with unseen spirits rather than the Parousia? 5. Describe the evidence that persuades most scholars that the pastorals were written by a later churchman. In what specific concerns do the pastorals reflect church organization and administration that are different from those existing in Paul’s time? Why are these letters so concerned about holding to tradition and combating “heresy”? Questions for Discussion and Reflection 1. Analyze the similarities between the two Christian hymns quoted respectively in Philippians 2 and Colossians 1. Compare the view that humanity bears God’s image (Gen. 1:27) with the similar language applied to Jesus (Col. 1:15). In what ways does the Colossians hymn apply the concepts of Israel’s Wisdom tradition to Jesus? 2. Discuss the Pastor’s views on women, children, and slaves. How does his prescription for internal church order reflect the hierarchical organization of the contemporary Greco-Roman What similarities and differences do F society? you see between the character and behavior of I Jesus and the Pastor’s list of qualifications for N church leaders? Would the historical Jesus, an unmarried itinerant prophet, have met the D Pastor’s standards for qualifying for church L leadership? Would Paul himself ? 3. The pastoral epistles show the extent to which E the dynamic and spirit-led fellowship of early Y Christian communities (30s–50s ce) has develinto a more rigidly structured church or, oped ganization with an administrative hierarchy of offices and leaders (c. 90 ce and later). In your what advantages did the church gain S opinion, by adopting the hierarchical structures of A Roman society? What losses came with this R organizational shift? A Terms and Concepts to Remember Epaphras 5anti-Christ bishop heresy 3catholic epistles pastoral epistles Christology pseudonymity 1 Colossae Timothy 9deacon Titus B U Recommended Reading 2 Thessalonians Ascough, Richard S. “Thessalonians, Second Letter to.” In K. D. Sakenfeld, ed., The New Interpreter’s Dictionary of the Bible, Vol. 5, pp. 574–579. Nashville: Abingdon Press, 2009. Surveys arguments for and against the letter’s authenticity. Malherbe, Abraham J. The Letters to the Thessalonians: A New Translation with Introduction and Commentary. har19138_ch17_386-402.indd Page 401 09/01/14 8:06 PM user /204/MH02032/har19138_disk1of1/0078119138/har19138_pagefiles ch ap te r 17 co n ti n u i n g th e p au l i n e trad i ti o n 401 Anchor Bible, Vol. 32b. New York: Doubleday, 2000. Defends Pauline authorship of 2 Thessalonians. Von Dehsen, Christian D. “2 Thessalonians.” In M. D. Coogan, ed., The Oxford Encyclopedia of the Books of the Bible, Vol. 2, pp. 410–414. New York: Oxford University Press, 2011. Reviews arguments for and against authenticity, concluding that there is no scholarly consensus. Bible, Vol. 2, pp. 269–276. Nashville, Tenn.: Abingdon Press, 2007. An informative survey of the book’s major themes. Wink, Walter. The Powers That Be: Theology for a New Millennium. New York: Galilee Doubleday, 1998. Interprets traditional biblical imagery about supernatural forces—angels and demons—as social/cultural assumptions and practices that inhibit God’s rule in human society. Colossians The Pastorals Barth, Markus, and Blanke, Helmut. Colossians. Anchor Bible. Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday, 1995. A scholarly translation and analysis. Dunn, James D. G. “Colossians, Letter to.” In K. D. Sakenfeld, ed., The New Interpreter’s Dictionary of the Bible, Vol. 1, pp. 702–706. Nashville, Tenn.: Abingdon Press, 2006. A concise analysis of the work, suggesting the possibility of Pauline authorship. . The Epistles to the Colossians and to Philemon: A Commentary on the Greek Text. Grand Rapids, Mich.: Eerdmans, 1996. For advanced students. O’Brien, P. T. Colossians, Philemon. Word Biblical Commentary 44. Waco, Tex.: Word Books, 1982. Defends Pauline authorship of Colossians; includes the author’s translation. Schweizer, Eduard. The Letter to the Colossians: A Commentary. Minneapolis: Augsburg, 1982. Less technical than the work by O’Brien; suggests that Timothy played a role in writing Colossians. D’Angelo, Mary Rose. “Timothy, First and Second Letters to.” In K. D. Sakenfeld, ed., The New Interpreter’s Dictionary of the Bible, Vol. 5, pp. 602–605. Nashville: Abingdon Press, 2009. Takes no stand on authorship, emphasizing instead the letters’ contents, including their misogyny and attitude toward slavery. Fiore, Benjamin. “1 Timothy,” “2 Timothy,” and “Titus.” In M. D. Coogan, ed., The Oxford Encyclopedia of the Books of the Bible, Vol. 2, pp. 422–430. New York: Oxford University Press, 2011. Offers a survey of the letters’ contents, concluding that all three are pseudonymous. Johnson, L. T. The First and Second Letters to Timothy: A New Translation with Introduction and Commentary. Anchor Bible. Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday, 2001. A strongly traditionalist interpretation, advocating Pauline authorship of the pastorals. Levine, Amy-Jill, and Blickenstaff, Marianne, eds. Feminist Companion to Paul: Deutero-Pauline Writings. Feminist Companion to the New Testament and Early Christian Writings. Sheffield, England: Sheffield Academic Press, 2004. Quinn, J. D., ed., and trans. 1 and 2 Timothy and Titus. Vol. 35 of the Anchor Bible. Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday, 1976. A translation with commentary. . “Timothy and Titus, Epistles to.” In D. N. Freedman, ed., The Anchor Bible Dictionary, Vol. 6, pp. 560–571. New York: Doubleday, 1992. Ephesians Barth, Markus, ed. and trans. Ephesians. Vols. 34 and 34a of the Anchor Bible. Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday, 1974. An extensive commentary that defends Pauline authorship. Bruce, F. F. The Epistles to the Colossians, to Philemon, and to the Ephesians. New International Commentary on the New Testament. Grand Rapids, Mich.: Eerdmans, 1984. Furnish, V. P. “Ephesians, Epistle to the.” In D. N. Freedman, ed., The Anchor Bible Dictionary, Vol. 2, pp. 535–542. New York: Doubleday, 1992. Goodspeed, E. J. The Meaning of Ephesians. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1933. An older but perceptive study arguing that Ephesians was written as a cover letter for the first collected edition of Paul’s correspondence. O’Brien, P. T. The Letter to the Ephesians. Pillar New Testament Commentary. Grand Rapids, Mich.: Eerdmans, 1999. An insightful analysis of the letter’s spiritual significance. Turner, Max. “Ephesians, Letter to the.” In K. D. Sakenfeld, ed., The New Interpreter’s Dictionary of the F I N D L E Y , S A R A 5 3 1 9 B Pseudonymity U Ehrman, Bart. Forged: Writing in the Name of God—Why the Bible’s Authors Are Not Who We Think They Are. San Francisco: HarperOne, 2011. Argues forcefully that many New Testament books are deliberate forgeries that successfully deceived the Christian community. . Forgery and Counter forgery: The Use of Literary Deceit in Early Christian Polemics. New York: Oxford University Press, 2013. Marshals detailed evidence to support the thesis that “the most distinctive feature of early Christian literature is the degree to which it was forged.” har19138_ch17_386-402.indd Page 402 09/01/14 8:06 PM user /204/MH02032/har19138_disk1of1/0078119138/har19138_pagefiles F I N D L E Y , S A R A 5 3 1 9 B U har19138_ch18_403-427.indd Page 403 09/01/14 6:02 PM user /204/MH02032/har19138_disk1of1/0078119138/har19138_pagefiles pa r t s ix General Letters and Some Visions of End Time F I N D L E Y , S A R A 5 3 1 9 B U har19138_ch18_403-427.indd Page 404 09/01/14 6:02 PM user /204/MH02032/har19138_disk1of1/0078119138/har19138_pagefiles cha pt er 18 General Letters on Faith and Behavior Hebrews and the Catholic Epistles F The kind of religion which is without stain or fault I . . . is this: to go to the help of orphans and widows in their distress and keep oneself untarnished by the world. James 1:27 N D Love cancels innumerable sins. 1LPeter 4:8 (cf. James 5:20) E Y , Key Topics/Themes Addressed to believers scattered throughout the world, Hebrews and the other general epistles make the point that God’s revelation through Jesus is final and complete. The very image of God’s nature, Jesus now serves in heaven as an eternal High Priest and mediator for humanity (Hebrews). Sandwiched between the theologically powerful Pauline letters and the mystifying symbolism of the Book of Revelation is a second collection of New Testament letters or letterlike documents— the Book of Hebrews and the seven catholic (general) epistles. Although commonly less emphasized in many contemporary church services, these eight documents provide an important counterweight to the historical dominance of Paul’s thought, demonstrating that other voices in the early Christian community offered somewhat different but equally acceptable interpretations of Jesus’ theological significance and of instruction in the Christian way of life. The fact 404 Believers must therefore adhere to a high standard of conduct, maintaining a true S understanding of Jesus’ Incarnation (1 John), practicing charitable acts (James), setting A examples of ethical behavior for the world R (1 Peter), and keeping alive their hope of the Second Coming (2 Peter). A 5 3 1that most documents in this section contain some element of the letter form—though few are true 9letters—suggests that their authors consciously B imitated the literary genre that Paul had so effectively employed. The widespread influence of U Paul’s “weighty and powerful” correspondence (2 Cor. 10:10) apparently inspired the authors of Hebrews and the catholic epistles (or perhaps later editors) to frame their messages with letterlike greetings and/or a complimentary close (cf. Heb. 13:17–25). Unlike Paul’s genuine letters, however, those in this unit of the canon are not addressed to individual congregations but are directed to the believing community as a whole. har19138_ch18_403-427.indd Page 405 09/01/14 6:02 PM user /204/MH02032/har19138_disk1of1/0078119138/har19138_pagefiles c hapt er 18 g e n e ral l e tte rs o n fai th an d be h avi o r Near the end of the second century, the church began to associate many previously anonymous works with Jesus’ apostles and their companions. This seems to have been the case with the catholic epistles, which scholars believe to include the latest-written documents in the New Testament. Hebrews and the Catholic Epistles Although some scholars argue that 1 Peter was written by the historical Peter, and James and Jude by Jesus’ kinsmen, most scholars believe that this entire section of the New Testament is pseudonymous. In general, we do not know when or where these documents originated or, in most cases, to whom they were sent. A possible exception to this rule, the Teaching (Didache) of the Twelve Apostles (see Chapter 20) may have been compiled in Syria about 100 ce and is thus probably older than the documents ascribed to Peter or Jude. Paul is also indirectly responsible for the canonical order in which editors eventually arranged the seven catholic epistles. In Galatians 2:9, he had briefly referred to the three “pillars” of the Jerusalem church as James (whom he identifies as “the Lord’s brother”); Jesus’ chief apostle “Cephas,” also called Peter; and John, who with his brother, another James, was part of Jesus’ inner circle (cf. Mark 3:16–17; 9:2). Hence, the epistles appear in this sequence: James; 1 and 2 Peter; 1, 2, and 3 John; and Jude (who identifies himself as “the brother of James”). Although called “epistles” (another term for letters), these short works encompass a wide variety of literary categories, ranging from wisdom literature (James) to theological essays (1 John). Authors and Dates Most of the catholic writings are linked not only by their attribution to leaders of the original Jerusalem church but also by the fact that collectively they are the last writings to be accepted into the New Testament canon. As late as the fourth century, Eusebius classified several as “doubtful” and noted that many churches did not accept them (History 3.3; 3.24.1; 3.24.18; 3.25.4; 3.39.6). Church writers do not even mention most of these epistles until almost 200 ce, and Jude, James, 2 Peter, and 3 John are typically absent from early lists of canonical books (see Chapter 2). 405 Primary Concerns of the Late Canonical Authors F I N D L E Y , S A R A 5 3 1 9 B U Writing in the late first century ce or early decades of the second, the authors of Hebrews and the catholic epistles address concerns that troubled the church in the generations following Paul’s martyrdom. Whereas Paul’s authentic letters, like the Gospel of Mark, glowed with eschatological urgency and warned of the imminent Parousia, the writers of this later period had to deal with diminishing hopes that Jesus would return soon. Roman imperial power had not—as the first generations of Christians so fervently hoped—come to an end. Virtually all the documents in this part of the canon repeatedly remind believers that Jesus’ reappearance to judge the world—and them—is certain, but only one tackles the issue of the delayed Parousia head-on. The author of 2 Peter, which may be the last-written work to enter the New Testament canon, frankly acknowledges the problem, voicing the skeptics’ complaints: “Where now is the promise of his coming? Our fathers have been laid to their rest, but still everything continues exactly as it has always been since the world began” (2 Pet. 3:4). As generations of early Christians passed away, criticism of the core belief that Jesus would return to establish his kingdom during his original disciples’ lifetime (cf. Mark 9:1; Matt. 24:34–35) may have perplexed many believers. Second Peter’s response to such attacks asks us to remember the disparity between human sense of time and that of God, who dwells in eternity (3:1–15). Perhaps more important for the church’s survival, virtually all the epistles’ authors, including those of 1 and 2 Peter, affirm that the Parousia will indeed occur—and har19138_ch18_403-427.indd Page 406 09/01/14 6:02 PM user 406 /204/MH02032/har19138_disk1of1/0078119138/har19138_pagefiles p a r t si x gener al lett ers a n d so me vi si o n s o f e n d ti me that Christians must behave as if Jesus will appear tomorrow to judge their conduct. Encouraging believers to practice a strict ethical code, the author of 1 John points to contemporary developments in his own community—the appearance of supposed “antichrists”—as proof that “the last hour” has already arrived (1 John 2:18). (This tendency to interpret events that affected their congregations as evidence of fulfilled eschatological prophecy characterizes most New Testament writers from Matthew to the author of 2 Peter.) Because they lived in the indefinitely prolonged interim between Jesus’ ascension to heaven and his return to earth, the authors of Hebrews and the epistles struggle to provide guidance that will enable their audiences to overcome a host of trials and temptations. Among the many problems that disturbed the churches’ peace were issues that involved both secular and doctrinal difficulties. Living as monotheists who could not participate in the Greco-Roman world’s numerous religious festivals or social associations, Christians frequently endured harsh criticism from their neighbors and even sporadic persecution by local magistrates. Although at this time persecution was more commonly social than governmental, the oppression and public disapproval were real and a source of ongoing concern (see the discussion of 1 Peter below). While they faced hostility from the outside world, the geographically separated churches simultaneously wrestled with internal dissension. The Johannine communities were wracked with disputes over doctrine and behavior, as were the churches that Jude and 2 Peter addressed. Spirits of prophecy and interpretation that had characterized Paul’s congregations now apparently inspired ideas that church leaders condemned as “false teachings,” resulting in admonition similar to that in the pastorals (see Chapter 17). Even members’ apathy threatened the churches’ health, as Hebrews’ author reveals when he urges believers not to “stay away from our meetings, as some do” (Heb. 10:25). In perusing the books of this unit, readers will discover that many of the perplexities that beset Christians at the turn of the first and second centuries remain with us today. The Book of Hebrews The Book of Hebrews was written by an early Christian scholar who was equally well acquainted with the Hebrew Bible and with Greek philosophy. Combining scriptural interpretation with philosophical concepts, the work Fchallenges readers as does no other New Testament book except Revelation. With the Iwarning that he offers “much that is difficult to N explain” (5:11), the writer—who does not identify himself—presents a dualistic view of the D in which earthly events and human inLuniverse stitutions are seen as reflections of invisible E heavenly realities. Employing a popular form of Platonic thought, he assumes the existence of Y ,two parallel worlds: the eternal and perfect realm of spirit above and the inferior, constantly changing world below. Alone among New Testament authors, he attempts to show S how Christ’s sacrificial death links the two opA posing realms of perishable matter and eternal R spirit. He is the only biblical writer to present Jesus as a heavenly priest who serves as an everA lasting mediator between God and humanity. 5 3Authorship and Date 1Hebrews is an elaborate sermon—or series of interlocking sermons—rather than a letter, 9but it ends with a postscript recalling one of B Paul’s missives (13:17–25). Although some early Christians attributed the work to Paul, U many others recognized that the theology, language, and style of Hebrews were distinctly un-Pauline. (The ending comments and reference to Timothy [13:23] do not fit the rest of the work and may have been appended by a later copyist or editor.) Various commentators have speculated that the author may have been Barnabas, Priscilla, or Paul’s eloquent co-worker Apollos of Alexandria. har19138_ch18_403-427.indd Page 407 09/01/14 6:02 PM user /204/MH02032/har19138_disk1of1/0078119138/har19138_pagefiles c hapt er 18 g e n e ral l e tte rs o n fai th an d be h avi o r Such attempts to link Hebrews with some well-known figure associated with first-generation Pauline Christianity have proven futile. Most scholars agree with Origen, a church scholar prominent during the early third century, who remarked that the writer’s identity is known only to God. The book’s date and place of composition are also unknown. Various critics suggest Alexandria, Rome, Antioch, Corinth, or some equally cosmopolitan center as the city of origin, with the time of writing estimated as between about 80 and 110 ce. The Writer’s Methods of Interpretation Whoever he was, the anonymous author was a master of rhetoric (the art of speaking or writing persuasively). He uses excellent Greek and also shows familiarity with Hellenistic-Jewish methods of scriptural analysis and interpretation. This suggests to many scholars that the writer may have lived in Alexandria, a metropolis where Greek-educated Jews like Philo Judaeus developed highly sophisticated ways of making ancient biblical texts relevant to Greco-Roman culture. As expounded by Philo and other Alexandrine scholars, the Hebrew Bible became much more than a mere repository of legal commandments or a record of past events. To Philo and the author of Hebrews, it is an allegory in which earthly events symbolize heavenly realities. Hebrews’ thesis is that, through Jesus, God gives his ultimate revelation of spiritual reality and that Jesus offers the sole means by which humans can find salvation. The author examines selected passages from the Hebrew Bible—principally Genesis 14:18–20 and Psalm 110:4—to demonstrate Christ’s unique role in the universe. In his view, the biblical texts can be understood only in the light of Christ’s death and ascension into heaven. He thus gives the Hebrew Bible a strictly Christological interpretation (typology), explaining biblical characters and Torah regulations as prophetic “types,” or models that foreshadow Jesus’ theological significance. 407 Of special importance to the author is the Genesis figure of Melchizedek, a mysterious kingpriest of Canaanite Salem to whom the patriarch Abraham gave a tenth of the goods he had captured in war (Gen. 14:18–20). Melchizedek becomes a prototype or prophetic symbol of Jesus, whom the author regards as both a king (Davidic Messiah) and a priest (like Melchizedek). In the author’s interpretation, Melchizedek’s story serves to prefigure Jesus’ priesthood. Purpose and Organization F The book’s title—“To the Hebrews”—is not I part of the original text; it may have been added N by an editor who assumed that the writer’s inD terest in Jewish ritual implied that he wrote for Jewish Christians. The term may apply equally L well to Gentile recipients, however, and proE bably refers to “spiritual Israel,” the Christian Y church at large. Whatever the intended audience, Hebrews’ purpose is to urge believers to , hold fast to their faith, remembering their former loyalty during persecution (10:32–34) and avoiding the pitfalls of apathy or indifference. After an introduction (1:1–4), Hebrews is arranged in three main sections: S A R 1. A Christ, the image of God, superior to all other human or heavenly beings (1:5–4:16) 2. The Torah’s priestly regulations foreshadowing Jesus’ role as a priest like Melchizedek (5:1–10:39) 3. Believers exhorted to emulate biblical examples and act on faith in Jesus’ supremacy (11:1–13:16) 5 3 1 9 B Christ’s Superiority to All Other Beings U Emphasizing his theme of Christ’s superiority to all others, the author begins Hebrews by contrasting earlier biblical revelations with that made in the last days through the person of Jesus. Whereas God formerly conveyed his message in fragmentary form through the Hebrew prophets, in Jesus he discloses a complete revelation of his essential nature and purpose. As in Colossians and John’s Gospel, Jesus is the agent har19138_ch18_403-427.indd Page 408 09/01/14 6:02 PM user 408 /204/MH02032/har19138_disk1of1/0078119138/har19138_pagefiles p a r t si x gener al lett ers a n d so me vi si o n s o f e n d ti me (or goal) of God’s creative purpose and a perfect reflection of the divine being (1:1–4). Echoing Paul’s assertion that Jesus attained heavenly glory through obedient humility (Phil. 2), the author states that Jesus was perfected through suffering. As a perfectly obedient Son, he is greater than Moses, leading his followers, not to an earthly destination, but to God’s celestial throne (3:1–4:16). Through him, God makes his complete and final revelation. Christ—A Priest like Melchizedek Asking his hearers to move beyond basic ideas and to advance in understanding (5:11–6:3), the author introduces his unparalleled interpretation of Jesus as an eternal High Priest, one foreshadowed by Melchizedek. To show that Christ’s priesthood is superior to that of Aaron, Israel’s first High Priest, and the Levites who assisted him at the Tabernacle, Hebrews cites the narrative about Abraham paying tithes to Melchizedek (14:18–20). Because Melchizedek blessed Abraham and accepted offerings from him, the writer argues, the king-priest of Salem was Abraham’s superior. Furthermore, Abraham’s descendants, the Levitical and Aaronic priests, also shared in the patriarch’s homage to Melchizedek. Present in his ancestor’s “loins” when Abraham honored Melchizedek, Aaron and all his priestly offspring also confessed their inferiority to Melchizedek (7:1–10). Melchizedek is thus acknowledged as the superior of Israel’s Levitical priests by virtue of his priority in time. The author now adds Psalm 110 to his explication of Genesis 14. He notes that Yahweh swore that his king, or “messiah,” is both his son and an everlasting priest like Melchizedek (Ps. 110:4). Hebrews further argues that, because Genesis does not mention either ancestors or descendants for Melchizedek, the absence of human roots or connections implies that the king-priest is without either beginning or end—an eternal priest. The symbolic everlastingness of Melchizedek’s priesthood is thus the prototype of Christ, who similarly remains a priest for all time (7:3, 21–24). In biblical times, a priest’s main function was to offer animal sacrifices to atone for the people’s sins and to elicit God’s forgiveness, a rite of expiation (appeasement of divine wrath). According to Hebrews, Jesus is both the priest and the sacrifice. His offering fulfills the reality of the Torah’s required sacrifices, but it is superior to the old system because his life was perfected through suffering (5:8–9). Unlike the sacrifices offered at Israel’s Tabernacle or Temple, which must be repeated endlessly to ensure divine approval, Jesus’ sacrifice is Fmade only once. It remains eternally effective and brings forgiveness and salvation to those Iaccepting its efficacy (7:26–28). N D Earthly Copy and Heavenly Reality LHebrews employs the view that the universe is E composed of two levels: a lower physical realm and a higher, unseen spirit world. The author Y ,envisions Israel’s earthly ceremonies of sacri- fice and worship as reflections, or copies, that parallel or correspond to invisible realities in heaven (8:5) (see Figure 18.1). He then cites S the solemn ritual of the Day of Atonement, the A one time of the year that the High Priest was R permitted to enter the Tabernacle’s innermost room, the Holy of Holies, where God’s glory A was believed to dwell. Interpreting the atonement ritual allegorically, the author states that 5the priest’s annual entry into God’s presence 3prophetically signified Christ’s ascension to 1heaven itself. There, his life stands as an eternally powerful sacrifice, making humanity 9forever “at one” with God (8:1–6; 9:1–14). B Because his sacrifice surpasses those decreed under the old Mosaic Covenant, Jesus inauguU rates a New Covenant with his shed blood. He acts as a permanent mediator, always pleading for humanity’s forgiveness (7:24–25; 9:15–22). The writer repeatedly emphasizes that neither the Mosaic Tabernacle nor Herod’s Temple in Jerusalem was intended to be permanent. Both sanctuaries are only copies of heavenly realities (9:23), mere “shadows, and no true image” of Christ’s supreme priestly sacrifice (10:1). har19138_ch18_403-427.indd Page 409 09/01/14 6:02 PM user /204/MH02032/har19138_disk1of1/0078119138/har19138_pagefiles c hapt er 18 g e n e ral l e tte rs o n fai th an d be h avi o r Christ 409 Eternal Tabernacle Altar of Christ’s perfect and eternal sacrifice God’s real abode Heaven (Spirit World) High Priest Earth (Physical World) F IEarthly Tabernacle N D L E God’s Kavod (Glory) Y , Altar of animal sacrifice fig u r e 1 8 .1 The Book of Hebrews’ theory of correspondences. According to this theory, reality exists in two separate but parallel dimensions—the spirit world (heaven) and the physical world (earth). Material objects and customs on earth S are temporary replicas, or shadows, of eternal realities in heaven. The author’s notion that Jesus’ “perfect” sacrifice has rendered Jewish worship obsolete is clearly partisan and represents a claimA that many scholars find highly unacceptable. An Exhortation to Remain Faithful In Hebrews’ tenth chapter, the author narrows his focus to address directly a group within his community about whom he is particularly anxious. This group apparently included people who had formerly endured severe persecution but who now were tempted to abandon the Christian faith (10:32–34). For the author, leaving “the [revealed] truth” was tantamount to repudiating Christ’s sacrifice and thus condemning oneself to face a “terrifying expectation of judgment and a fierce fire which will consume God’s enemies” (10:26–30). “It is a terrible thing,” he reminds his audience, “to fall into the hands of the living God” (10:31). The fact that he immediately follows this dire threat by assuring his readers that the Parousia will occur imminently suggests that the potential R A deserters 5 3 1 9 B U were persons disappointed in their apocalyptic hopes: “For ‘soon, very soon’ [in the words of Scripture], ‘he who is to come will come; he will not delay’” (an unusual interpretation of Habakkuk 2:3, a text that does not involve either the first or second advent of a messiah) (10:27). In this and similar passages, the writer apparently fears that some members of his audience are suffering such a painful disillusionment about Christ’s failure to return that they are prepared to forsake the church. The author’s insistence that the Christian revelation is utterly final and his repeated warnings that persons who give up their faith also relinquish forever their hope of eternal life suggest that his purpose is to prevent apostasy, the renunciation of their previously held beliefs. At this crucial point in his argument, the author offers the New Testament’s only definition har19138_ch18_403-427.indd Page 410 09/01/14 6:02 PM user 410 /204/MH02032/har19138_disk1of1/0078119138/har19138_pagefiles p a r t si x gener al lett ers a n d so me vi si o n s o f e n d ti me of faith, which he renders in Platonic terms as the “certain[ty] of realities that we do not see.” This belief in God’s invisible world, the existence of which he has argued for throughout his sermon, “gives substance to our hopes” (11:1). (Unlike Paul, who always associates faith with a living trust in Jesus’ saving power, Hebrews’ author defines faith with no explicit reference to Christ.) He then unfolds a panorama of prominent figures from the Hebrew Bible, from Abel and Enoch to Sarah, wife of Abraham, and Rahab, the Canaanite prostitute who hospitably sheltered Israelite spies. According to the writer, all of these ancient characters expressed their loyalty to God in a distant era when they had only a dim preview of heavenly realities. By contrast, today’s believers now possess a complete understanding of God’s plan: that the ancient faithful could not receive their reward except “in company with [present Christians].” The latter must therefore demonstrate an even higher level of trust in God and his promises (11:2–40). Christian faith must now include not only a recognition that Jesus invisibly reigns as everlasting king, priest, and intercessor but also total confidence in his eventual return in glory. Evoking the metaphor of athletic competition, the author urges believers to compete the race they had previously entered, fixing their sights on Jesus’ example of endurance, a loyal persistence that won him a position “at the right hand” of God’s throne (12:1–2). Observing that none in his community had yet been required to shed their blood for Jesus’ sake, the author encourages them not to fear future persecution, for, as legitimate children of God, the Father “disciplines” them (12:3–13). As if to stiffen the resolve of would-be apostates, defectors from the church, the writer again reminds them of the contrast between the two covenants that God concluded with humankind. In the first, Moses mediated the agreement amid blazing fire, earthquakes, and other terrifying phenomena. Whereas inauguration of the first covenant took place on earthly Mount Sinai, the “new covenant” that Jesus mediates is established in the ultimate reality of heaven itself, where God is manifest in infinitely more awe-inspiring wonders. If God, who “is a devouring fire,” levied the death penalty on disobedient Israelites at Sinai, how much more severely will he punish those who fail to keep faith in his supreme self-revelation (12:18–29). Several scholars propose that Hebrews’ target audience included Jewish Christians who may have considered returning to their ancestral religion, perhaps as a result of the unexpectedly long delay in the Parousia. The author’s repeated declarations of Jesus’ superiFority to all biblical figures, both human leaders like Moses and the angelic beings who populate Ithe heavenly court, would serve to remind this N group that God now relates to humanity exclusively through Israel’s Messiah, Jesus. His asserD that all the great heroes and heroines of Ltion faith in the Hebrew Bible looked forward to the E reality now embodied in Christ similarly encourages believers, both Jewish and Gentile, to Y ,carry on the same great tradition as Israel’s faithful leaders. Urging believers to lead blameless lives of active good deeds, the author reminds them S that Jesus Christ is “the same yesterday, today, A and for ever.” This is another powerful reason R to regard this world, with its temptations and troubles, as a temporary trial resolved in the A light of eternity (13:1–9). Christians have no permanent abode on earth but seek the unseen 5and perfect city above as their life’s goal 3(13:14). 1 9Judaism and Christianity B With its declaration that Jesus’ sacrifice has rendered Israel’s older system of sacrificial offerU ings unnecessary, Hebrews consistently argues for the superiority of Jesus as God’s ultimate High Priest who now acts as sole intermediary between God and humanity. Some contemporary Christians have interpreted Hebrews’ thesis to mean that the New Covenant that Christ initiated has superseded or replaced God’s Old Covenant with Israel. In its extreme form, this notion of supersessionism claims that God, har19138_ch18_403-427.indd Page 411 09/01/14 6:02 PM user /204/MH02032/har19138_disk1of1/0078119138/har19138_pagefiles c hapt er 18 g e n e ral l e tte rs o n fai th an d be h avi o r angry with Israel for rejecting his Messiah, has in turn repudiated his original covenant people and established the Christian church in their place, making it the New Israel. Historically, this notion of a rejected Israel and triumphant church has led to widespread Christian discrimination against and persecution of Jews, culminating in the Holocaust of the 1940s. As we have seen, however, Hebrews’ author does not advocate so irrevocable a disconnection between Judaism and Christianity. Although he, like Matthew, regards the Jewish Scriptures as a Christological resource, citing biblical texts that he believes foreshadow Christ’s role as both holy priest and royal messiah, he also emphasizes the unbroken continuity between the Mosaic dispensation and that which Jesus concluded. In Romans, Paul had made clear that the New Covenant is God’s extension of his special partnership with Israel to include Gentiles (Rom. 9–11). In Hebrews, the writer focuses instead on Jesus’ fulfillment of biblical promises, arguing that even the priestly rituals of the Tabernacle were prophetic of Christ’s cosmic significance. Regarding Jesus as the climax of God’s purpose for Israel, the author sees not replacement but culmination. James Authorship Addressing his work to “the Twelve Tribes dispersed throughout the world” (presumably “spiritual Israel,” the international church), the author calls himself “James, a servant of God and the Lord Jesus Christ.” He does not claim apostolic rank or mention a kinship with Jesus, but church tradition identifies him as the person whom Paul calls “James the Lord’s brother” (Gal. 1:19), the principal leader of Palestinian Jewish Christianity between about 50 and 62 ce. He was a devout respecter of the Mosaic Torah and was known to his fellow Israelites as “James F I N D L E Y , S A R A 411 the Righteous.” Despite his high reputation among both Jews and Christians, however, he was illegally executed about 62 ce. If the author is Jesus’ brother (or close relative), it is strange that he rarely mentions Jesus and almost never refers to his teachings. As a man who had known Jesus all his life (Mark 6:3) and had seen the risen Lord (1 Cor. 15:7), he might be expected to use his personal acquaintance with Jesus to lend authority to his instructions. The fact that his writing contains virtually nothing about Jesus suggests that the author did not personally know him and consequently could not have been a member of Jesus’ family (see Box 12.3). (For a defense of the author’s relationship to Jesus, see Johnson in “Recommended Reading.”) Two qualities of this document offer general clues to its author’s background. Besides being written in excellent Greek (not something a Galilean native was likely to be capable of), it repeatedly echoes Greek editions of the Hebrew Bible, especially the Book of Proverbs and later Hellenistic wisdom books like Ecclesiasticus and the Wisdom of Solomon. Both James’s subject matter and his language reflect a deep interest in Greek-Jewish wisdom literature. This fact suggests that the author is a Hellenistic-Jewish Christian concerned about applying the principles of Israel’s later sages to problems in his Christian circle. The writer may have lived in any Greek-speaking Jewish community in Syria, Palestine, Egypt, or Italy. 5 3 1 9 Form and Organization B Except for the brief opening salutation, the U work bears no similarity to a letter. It is instead a collection of proverbs, commentaries, scriptural paraphrases, and moral advice. As a literary genre, James is the only New Testament document resembling the compilations of wise counsel found in the Hebrew Bible. Lacking any principle of coherence, James leaps from topic to topic and then back again. The only unifying theme is the author’s view of the purpose and function of religion (1:26–27), har19138_ch18_403-427.indd Page 412 09/01/14 6:02 PM user 412 /204/MH02032/har19138_disk1of1/0078119138/har19138_pagefiles p a r t si x gener al lett ers a n d so me vi si o n s o f e n d ti me which he defines as typically Jewish good works, charitable practices that will save the soul and cancel a multitude of sins (5:19–20). Following the author’s order, we examine several of his main interests: 1. The nature of trials and temptations (1:2–27) 2. Respect for the poor (2:1–13) 3. “Works,” or good deeds, as the only measure of faith (2:14–26) 4. Control of speech (3:1–12) 5. Warnings against violent ambition and exploitation of the poor (4:1–5:6) Recipients and Date From the topics covered, this book seems directed at Jewish-Christian groups that had existed long enough to have developed a sense of class distinction within the church. Wealthy Christians snub poorer ones (2:1–9), fail to share their material possessions (2:14–26), engage in worldly competition (4:1–10), and exploit fellow believers of the laboring class (4:13–5:6). These socially stratified and economically divided communities suggest a time long after that of the impoverished Jerusalem commune described in Acts 2. Most scholars date the work in the late first century, considerably after the historical James’s martyrdom in the early 60s. Trials and Temptations In this introductory section (1:2–27), James articulates a philosophy of human experience that puts his ethical advice in perspective. Dealing with the twin problems of external suffering and internal temptations to do wrong, the author offers insight into God’s reasons for permitting evil to afflict even the faithful. “Trials” (presumably including persecutions) are potentially beneficial experiences because they allow the believer the opportunity to demonstrate faith and fortitude under pressure, thus strengthening character. To help Christians endure such trials, God grants insight to persons who pray for it single-mindedly and never doubt that God will provide the understanding necessary to maintain faith. Arguing that the Creator is not responsible for tests of faith or private temptations to sin, James declares that God, “untouched by evil,” does not tempt anyone. Human temptation arises from within through the secret cultivation of forbidden desire that eventually inspires the act of “sin,” which in turn breeds death (1:12–15). In contrast, God is the source of perfection (1:17) and the origin of life (1:12). In Fthis miniature theodicy (defense of God’s goodness despite the world’s evil), the writer Iinsists that God is not responsible for injustice N or undeserved suffering. Society’s evils result from purely human selfishness. If believers reD evil, God grants them the power to drive Lsist away even the devil (4:7–8). E The only New Testament writer to define religion, James describes it as the active practice Y ,of good works, an imitation of the divine benefactor who sets the example of generosity (1:16). The religion God approves is practical: helping “orphans and widows” and keeping “oneself S untarnished by the world” (1:27). In James’s A two-part definition, the “orphans and widows” R are Judaism’s classic symbols of the defenseless who are God’s special care, and “the world” A represents a society that repudiates God. Thoroughly Jewish in its emphasis on merciful 5deeds, James’s “true religion” cannot be formalized 3by doctrine, creed, or ritual (cf. Matt. 25:31–46). 1 9Respect for the Poor B Addressing a social problem that plagues virtually every community, whether religious or secU ular, James denounces all social snobbery. Christians must make the poor feel as welcome in their midst as the rich and powerful (2:1– 13). Noting that it is the wealthy who typically oppress the church, James reminds his audience that the poor will inherit “the kingdom” and that insulting them is an offense against God. Interestingly, the author does not use Jesus’ teaching to emphasize God’s gracious har19138_ch18_403-427.indd Page 413 09/01/14 6:02 PM user /204/MH02032/har19138_disk1of1/0078119138/har19138_pagefiles c hapt er 18 g e n e ral l e tte rs o n fai th an d be h avi o r intent to reward those now poor but instead quotes from the Hebrew Bible. If believers do not love their fellow human beings (Le...
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