F10 F12 F11 - F8 Simon Bolivar, THE JAMAICA LETTER Simon Bolivar, the most renowned leader of the Latin American independence movement, was born to a wealthy Venezuelan landowning family in 1783- Orphaned at an early age, he was educated by a private tutor who inspired in his pupil an enthusiasm for the principles of the Enlightenment and republicanism. After spending three years in Europe, Bolivar returned in 1803 to New Spain, where the death of his new bride plunged him into grief and caused his return to France and Italy. In 1805 in Rome he took a vow to dedicate his life to the liberation of his native land from Spain. On his return he became a leading member of the republican-minded group in Caracas that in 1808 began to agitate for independence and in 1810 deposed the colonial governor. Until his death in 1830, Bolivar dedicated himself to the independence movement as a publicist, diplomat, theoretician, and statesman. His greatest contribution was as the general who led the armies that defeated the Spaniards and liberated the northern regions of South America. The so-called Jamaica Letter was written in 1815 during a self-imposed exile in Jamaica. It was addressed to "an English gentleman," probably the island's governor, the Duke of Manchester. The Venezuelan Republic had collapsed in May as a result of a viciously fought Spanish counteroffensive, divisions among the revolutionaries, and opposition from many Indians, blacks, and mulattos, who viewed the Creole landowners, not the Spaniards, as their oppressors. The letter was written in response to a request from the Englishman for Bolivar's thoughts about the background and prospects of the liberation movement. Success will crown our efforts, because the destiny of America has been irrevocably decided; the tie that bound her to Spain has been severed. ..That which formerly bound them now divides them. The hatred that the Peninsula' inspired in us is greater than the ocean between us. [It would be easier to have the two continents meet than to reconcile the spirits of the two countries. The habit of obedience; a community of interest, of understanding, of religion; mutual goodwill; a tender regard for the birthplace and good name of our forefathers; in short, all that gave rise to our hopes, came to us from Spain. As a result there was born a principle of affinity that seemed eternal. ... At present the contrary attitude persists: we are threatened with the fear of death, dishonor, and every harm; there is nothing we have not suffered at the hands of that ' unnatural stepmother -- Spain. The veil has been torn asunder. We have already seen the light, and it is not our desire to be thrust back into darkness. ...] The role of the inhabitants of the American hemisphere has for centuries been purely passive. Politically they were non-existent. We are still in a position lower than slavery, and therefore it is more difficult for us to rise to the enjoyment of freedom. States are slaves because of either the nature or the misuse of their constitutions; a people is therefore enslaved when the government, by its nature or its vices, infringes on and usurps the rights of the citizen or subject. Applying these principles, [we find that America was denied not only its freedom but even an active and effective tyranny. Under absolutism there are no recognized limits to the exercise of governmental powers.]The will of the great sultan, khan, bey, and other despotic rulers is the supreme law, carried out more or less arbitrarily by the lesser pashas, khans, and satraps of Turkey and Persia, who have an organized system of oppression in which inferiors participate according to the authority vested in them. To them is entrusted the administration of . form federal and some central republics; the larger areas will inevitably establish monarchies, some of which will fare so badly that they will disintegrate in either present or future revolutions. To consolidate a great monarchy will be no easy task, but it will be utterly impossible to consoli- date a great republic. When success is not assured, when the state is weak, and when results are distantly seen, all men hesitate; opinion is divided, passions rage, and the enemy fans these passions in order to win an easy victory because of them. As soon as we are strong and under the guidance of a liberal nation which will lend us her protection, we will achieve accord in cultivating the virtues and talents that lead to glory. Then will we march majestically toward that great prosperity for which South America is destined. Home Up Insert Backspace 0) 8 + 11 7 PgUp Page Down Home End Delete } 5 A ] Enter 3 2 Pgon Enter 1 End 3/4/2016 Declaration of the Rights of Man and the Citizen 1789 myhistorylab あいうえお PEARSON PREMTICE HÅLL Declaration of the Rights of Man and the Citizen 1789 John Hall Stewart. 1976. A Documentary Survey of the French Revolution. New York: Macmillan. 1789 was a pivotal year for France. Faced with a deteriorating economy, poor harvests, and pressure from the nobility, King Louis XVI agreed to call into session the Estates General for May of 1789. The medieval representative body of France had not met since 1614 because of France's absolute monarchy. It was hoped that the meeting would produce a solution for France's economic difficulties, but, instead, it released frustration with the ancient regime and led to the first stage of the revolution. Once convened, the Third Estate demanded individual voting on the issues instead of the traditional vote by estate, and the wrangling continued into June 1789. Joined by some members of the clergy, the Third Estate walked out of the Estates General and proclaimed itself to be the National Assembly on June 17, 1789. The French National Assembly issued the Declaration of the Rights of Man and the Citizen on August 27-1789 Designed as a preamble for a new constitution that the body had promised to write during the Oath of the Tennis Court, the document drafted was heavily influenced by the political philosophy of the Enlightenment. The ideas of John Locke, Rousseau, Voltaire and the American Declaration of Independence are melded together to form the foundations of French liberal government. The representatives of the French people, organized as a National Assembly, believing that the ignorance, neglect, or contempt of the rights of man are the sole cause of public calamities and of the corruption of governments, have determined to set forth in a solemn declaration the natural, unalienable, and sacred rights of man, in order that this declaration, being constantly before all the members of the Social body, shall remind them continually of their rights and duties; in order that the acts of the legislative power, as well as those of the executive power, may be compared at any moment with the objects and purposes of all political institutions and may thus be more respected, and, lastly, in order that the grievances of the citizens, based hereafter upon simple and incontestable principles, shall tend to the maintenance of the constitution and redound to the happiness of all. Therefore the National Assembly recognizes and proclaims, in the presence and under the auspices of the Supreme Being, the following rights of man and of the citizen: 20,4*** Articles: 1. Men are born and remain free and equal in rights. Social distinctions may be founded only upon the general good. Elfoj 2. The aim of all political association is the preservation of the natural and imprescriptible rights of man. These rights are liberty, property, security, and resistance to oppression. This it goes 52 67 3. The principle of all sovereignty resides essentially in the nation. No body nor individual may exercise any authority which does not proceed directly from the nation. 4. Liberty consists in the freedom to do everything which injures no one else; hence the exercise of the natural rights of each man has no limits except those which assure to the other members of the society the enjoyment of the same rights. These limits can only be determined by law. 5. Law can only prohibit such actions as are hurtful to society. Nothing may be prevented which is not forbidden by law, and no one may be forced to do anything not provided for by law. 6. Law is the expression of the general will. Every citizen has a right to participate personally, or through his representative, in its foundation. It must be the same for all, whether it protects or punishes. All citizens, being equal in the eyes of the law, are equally eligible to all dignities and to all public positions and http://media.pearsonicmg.com/ph/hss/SSA_SHARED_MEDIA_1/history/MHLWW/documents/Declaration_Rights_Man_and_Citizen_1789.html 1/2 8 3/4/2016 Declaration of the Rights of Man and the Citizen 1789 occupations, according to their abilities, and without distinction except that of their virtues and talents. 7. No person shall be accused, arrested, or imprisoned except in the cases and according to the forms prescribed by law. Any one soliciting, transmitting, executing, or causing to be executed, any arbitrary order, shall be punished. But any citizen summoned or arrested in virtue of the law shall submit without delay, as resistance constitutes an offense. 8. The law shall provide for such punishments only as are strictly and obviously necessary, and no one shall suffer punishment except it be legally inflicted in virtue of a law passed and promulgated before the commission of the offense. 9. As all persons are held innocent until they shall have been declared guilty, if arrest shall be deemed indispensable, all harshness not essential to the securing of the prisoner's person shall be severely repressed by law. 10. No one shall be disquieted on account of his opinions, including his religious views, provided their manifestation does not disturb the public order established by law. 11. The free communication of ideas and opinions is one of the most precious of the rights of man. Every citizen may, accordingly, speak, write, and print with freedom, but shall be responsible for such abuses of this freedom as shall be defined by law. 12. The security of the rights of man and of the citizen requires public military forces. These forces are, therefore, established for the good of all and not for the personal advantage of those to whom they shall be intrusted. 13. A common contribution is essential for the maintenance of the public forces and for the cost of administration. This should be equitably distributed among all the citizens in proportion to their means. 14. All the citizens have a right to decide, either personally or by their representatives, as to the necessity of the public contribution; to grant this freely; to know to what uses it is put; and to fix the proportion, the mode of assessment and of collection and the duration of the taxes. 15. Society has the right to require of every public agent an account of his administration. 16. A society in which the observance of the law is not assured, nor the separation of powers defined, has no constitution at all. 17. Since property is an inviolable and sacred right, no one shall be deprived thereof except where public necessity, legally determined, shall clearly demand it, and then only on condition that the owner shall have been previously and equitably indemnified. Glossary National Assembly When members of the Third Estate walked out of the meeting of the Estates General, taking with them some of the members from the first and second estates, they met nearby and declared themselves to be the National Assembly. In other words, this body claimed that it, not the Estates General, was the representative body of France and her people. Copyright © 2009 Pearson Education, Inc. All rights reserved. http://media/pearsoncmg.com/phhss/SSA_SHARED_MEDIA_1/history/MHL/WW/documents/Declaration_Rights Man_and_Citizen_1789.html 22
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