The Qualitative Report 2018 Volume 23, Number 4, Article 8, 893-913
Black Male Persistence in Spite of Facing Stereotypes in College:
A Phenomenological Exploration
Taylor Benjamin Hardy Boyd
Grand Valley State University, Allendale, Michigan, USA
Donald Mitchell Jr.
Bellarmine University, Louisville, Kentucky, USA
Stereotypes often create threatening environments for Black males on college
campuses. This study sought to break the deficit narrative surrounding Black
males in college by highlighting how they persisted despite facing stereotypes.
Six participants were included in this study. Through interviews and naturalistic
observations, we explored how participants articulated their experiences with
stereotypes, how they dealt with those experiences, how the experiences shaped
future endeavors, and how they used strategies to dispel stereotypes and persist
through threatening experiences. Findings suggest (a) the participants dealt
with internalized feelings due to stereotypes; (b) stereotypes were reinforced in
various ways; and, (c) they persisted despite stereotypes by confronting,
ignoring, and dispelling stereotypes, as well as alleviating pressures associated
with stereotypes. In addition, the participants offered advice for other Black
males as they matriculate through college. The paper closes with a discussion,
which includes implications for practice and future research. Keywords: Black
Males, College, Persistence, Phenomenology, Stereotype Threat, Stereotypes
Black males are often negatively stereotyped in college settings. Given this, the
threatening environments created by stereotypes can affect Black males’ academic success
while they are enrolled at a college or university. Steele and Aronson (1995) have referred to
this threatening environment driven by negative stereotypes as stereotype threat. When the
presence of Black males on college campuses is continually questioned, they often battle
internal and external pressures related to their academic ability and performance in college as
a result of racialized stereotypes, hindering their true intellectual ability and potential (Museus,
2008; Steele, 2010; Steele & Aronson, 1995).
Harper (2006a, 2006b) has stated that Black males are consistently overlooked,
undermined, and stereotyped as uneducated, lazy, and violent. Further, Steele (2010) contends
that the social and psychological processes stereotypes induce often lead to lower rates of
academic success and performance for Black males enrolled in college. Thus, the barriers
fueled by racial stereotypes that Black male students face contribute to their social,
psychological, and academic development in college. For example, Black males face
challenges pertaining to campus racial climates, self-esteem, sense of belonging, co-curricular
involvement and engagement, academic achievement, faculty/staff relationships, and
persistence (Harper, 2015; Steele, 2010; Steele & Aronson, 1995; Tinto, 1993). In turn,
disparities related to these various factors, among others, create disparities in rates of retention,
graduation, persistence, and the overall success of Black males in college in comparison to
their collegiate counterparts (Berryhill & Bee, 2007; Harper, 2006a; Steele, 1999, 2010; Steele
& Aronson, 1995).
The purpose of this study was to explore the perceptions of Black males in college
regarding the academic, social, and psychological influences stereotypes have on Black male
achievement in college. Further, this study examined how Black males persist through college
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despite facing stereotypes. Finally, this study sought to identify strategies that may prove
effective when responding to or dealing with racial stereotypes. The research questions that
guided this study were:
•
•
•
What stereotypes do Black males experience in college?
What are the perceptions of Black males in college regarding the influences that
stereotypes have on Black male achievement in college?
In what ways are Black males persisting in college in spite of facing
stereotypes?
Literature Review
The longstanding issue of student persistence consists of countless identifiers that may
or may not contribute to a student’s ability to graduate from college. For instance, Astin’s
(1984) theory of involvement highlighted the significance of co-curricular engagement in
student success, while Tinto’s (1993) theory of student departure related student persistence to
separation, transition, and incorporation into the collegiate environment. Similar to Astin, Tinto
placed precedence on the relationship between co-curricular involvement and student
persistence. However, Tinto also originally suggested that students must separate, transition,
and incorporate into the collegiate realm if they were to persist through college. While Tinto’s
original work is compelling, in his revised work, Tinto (2006-2007) contended that
underrepresented student populations—primarily composed of students of color— should, in
fact, remain connected to past communities, churches, tribes, or family as an essential part of
their persistence through college. For Black males specifically, Harper (2006b) also noted that
these support systems are an essential part of their persistence to and through the collegiate
realm.
Although these theories have provided insight regarding how and why students persist,
gaps remain in the rates of persistence among students of color, specifically Black males. For
example, numerous studies have recognized the gaps in persistence between Black males and
their White male counterparts (e.g., see Berryhill & Bee, 2007; Cuyjet, 2006; Harper, 2006a,
2006b, 2012, 2015; Ross et al., 2012; Steele & Aronson, 1995). Comparatively speaking, Black
males graduate from college at lower rates than all other racial and ethnic minoritized groups
(Harper, 2012). (We use minoritized groups rather than minority groups to indicate race and
racism as social constructions and that people of color are minoritized as a result of White
privilege and the oppression of people of color (see Harper, 2012)).
In 2004, the mean graduation rate for Black males was 44.3%, while White males
graduated at a rate of 61.4% and Black females graduated at a rate of 53.2% (Harper, 2006a).
To explain and rectify these gaps, various psychological, social, and institutional factors
associated with influential indicators of Black male persistence have been shown to positively
or negatively affect Black male experiences in higher education (Berryhill & Bee, 2007;
Reynolds, Sneva, & Beehler, 2010; Strayhorn & Terrell, 2007).
During stereotype threat situations, Black males may experience an array of emotions
and feelings, which could include shock, confusion, surprise, anxiety, anger, vulnerability, or
fear (Harper, 2015). As a result, Black males may feel the need to internalize feelings and
emotions stemming from stereotype threats to seemingly ignore the situation at hand. This
internalization may stem from instances of racial battle fatigue, or the result of students being
fed up with policing others’ racial ignorance (McGee & Martin, 2011). For instance, when
subtle racial slurs, comments, or phrases occur, minoritized students often have to police, call
out, or bring awareness to the racial undertone of the comment or remark made. As a result,
minoritized students experience instances of fatigue or exhaustion due to the volume of
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instances that occur in collegiate settings (McGee & Martin, 2011). Smith, Allen, and Danley
(2007) stated that these coping strategies of internalization can lead to severe and traumatic
psychological stress. Such internalization has been linked to psychological effects, including
feelings of vulnerability and loneliness, which foster lower levels of self-esteem and can
damage mental health (Smith et al., 2007). On the other hand, Harper’s (2015) work
surrounding resistant responses to stereotypes suggested that students refused to ignore
microaggressions, which are “subtle, covert racial attacks that are often subconscious in nature”
(L. D. Patton, 2009, p. 723), and racial slurs by addressing stereotypes when they arose; these
individuals rejected the idea of suppressing or internalizing feelings and emotions in the wake
of microaggressions and stereotypes.
Black males have consistently reported having their academic abilities and talents
questioned, negated, or attributed to affirmative action, athletics, or programs/scholarships
related to their race or socioeconomic status (Harper, 2012, 2015; McGee & Martin, 2011).
Additionally, Black males are often disproportionately represented in interactions with police
officers, are heavily surveilled, and are seen as out of place or “fitting the description” (Smith
et al., 2007). Black males have also reported that their White peers assumed they knew where
to get drugs and how to dance, used slang terms or broken English, came from impoverished
neighborhoods, were athletically talented, and had a scary or threatening appearance (Harper,
2015). With this, it is important to note Smith et al.’s (2007) study which found, in many
instances, when Black males were stereotyped on campus (e.g., when their intellectual abilities
were contested due to race) they had feelings of confusion, resentment, anxiety, avoidance, and
fear which led to a lack in sense of belonging at the institution. Smith et al. (2007) concluded
that these emotions Black males feel as a result of stereotypes and racial microaggressions
influence their ability to perform academically and affect them socially. Alternatively, when
students become embedded into university communities on social and psychological levels,
their rates of persistence increase (Astin, 1984; Hausmann, Ye, Schofield, & Woods, 2009;
Harper, 2006b, 2012; Tinto, 1993).
Still, the experiences of Black males in college continually show lower levels of
engagement (Harper, 2006a). Scholars have examined this phenomenon and have identified
key contributors to Black male social engagement. They include, but are not limited to, peer
support, mentoring, faculty interactions, and campus climate (Barker & Avery, 2012; Harper,
2006b; Hausmann et al., 2009). Additionally, Harper (2006b) found that peer support was an
indicator of success among Black male college students. Respondents in his study reported
their peers provided them with leverage and support in times of need, advancement, and
achievement in their collegiate endeavors. Further, faculty, staff members, administrators, and
university departments/centers have also been shown to counteract some of the burdens
stereotypes play in the advancement and achievement of Black males in college (Barker &
Avery, 2012; Hagedorn, Chi, Cepeda, & McLain, 2007; Strayhorn & Terrell, 2007). This
highlights the importance of institutional factors in supporting, enriching, and advancing Black
male collegiate success.
Overall, it has been made clear that the positive interactions Black students have with
faculty and staff members contribute to increases in persistence efforts for those students
(Barker & Avery, 2012; Harper & Quaye, 2007; Strayhorn & Terrell, 2007). In an effort to
combat these trends and experiences for Black males, higher education professionals have
developed specialized programs, orientations, and campus/community groups/organizations. It
has been documented that Black male leadership programs help students get involved in
campus organizations, increase faculty engagement, and build community among participants
(Sutton & Terrell, 1997). Further, multicultural centers, Black student unions, and Black
cultural centers provide students with a comforting space on campus where they are able to
express their opinions and views without being viewed, judged, or stereotyped for doing so
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(Barker & Avery, 2012; Harper & Quaye, 2007; Sutton & Terrell, 1997). Initiatives such as
these have been shown to improve Black male persistence rates as they continue to increase
Black males’ sense of belonging, peer support, out-of-class faculty engagement, and cocurricular involvement (Barker & Avery, 2012; Broman, 1997; Harper, 2006b, 2012; LaVant,
Anderson, & Tiggs, 1997).
Although efforts have been made to combat the aforementioned barriers to Black male
collegiate success, issues regarding racial stereotypes and Black male persistence still exist.
This study brings to light the fact that Black males are continuously stereotyped in collegiate
settings while documenting the ways in which they persist. This study’s anti-deficit approach
is the foundation upon which this study was conducted and addresses a gap made clear in the
literature:
In what ways are Black males persisting in college in spite of facing stereotypes? To
this end, the intent of the present study is to bring light to the issue at hand and to document
the lived experiences of Black male collegians persisting despite stereotypes.
Theoretical Framework
In light of the racialized stereotypes Black males face on collegiate campuses and given
the purpose of the current study, three theoretical frameworks were used to shape this study:
critical race theory, stereotype threat, and Harper’s (2012) anti-deficit achievement framework.
Critical Race Theory
Critical race theory (CRT) emerged in the mid-1970s from an earlier legal movement
called critical legal studies after realizations that the Civil Rights Movement had become
somewhat stagnant (Ladson-Billings, 1998). Similar to the Civil Rights Movement, CRT is
rooted in issues pertaining to history, economics, group- and self-interest, feelings, and the
unconscious (Delgado & Stefancic, 2012). It is a combination of thoughts and ideas by scholars
who devoted their time and efforts to enlightening others on societal issues pertaining to race,
racism, and power (Ladson-Billings & Tate, 1995). Five common tenets of CRT are (a) the
normalcy of racism, (b) interest convergence, (c) counter-storytelling, (d) intersectionality and
anti-essentialism, and (5) Whiteness as property (Delgado & Stefancic, 2012; Ladson-Billings,
1998; Ladson-Billings & Tate, 1995).
First, CRT notes that racism is normal and addresses ways in which society operates
daily regarding the common experiences of people of color, suggesting that racism is seemingly
a “normal science” (Delgado & Stefancic, 2012, p. 7). Second, interest convergence is a tenet
within CRT that explains the motivational factors compelling advocacy for minoritized groups
(Delgado & Stefancic, 2012). CRT theorists contend Whites must have something in it for them
(e.g., extrinsic rewards) to actively pursue or advance people of color rather than an intrinsic
motivation (Delgado & Stefancic, 2012).
The third tenet highlighted is counter-storytelling. Ladson-Billings (1998) suggested
that stories and counternarratives add necessary contextual contours to objective perspectives.
In addition, Ladson-Billings stated that naming one’s own reality, or telling one’s story, seeks
to highlight the significance of the perspective of the storyteller.
The fourth tenet couples intersectionality and anti-essentialism. Delgado and Stefancic
(2012) defined intersectionality as “the examination of race, sex, class, national origin, and
sexual orientation and how their combinations play out in various settings” (p. 51). Thus, the
complexities surrounding multiple identities construct individual and group experiences within
society. Coupled with intersectionality is anti-essentialism. Essentialism is the notion that all
people identifying within the same group, think, act, and believe in the same way about the
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same things (Ladson-Billings & Tate, 1995). According to Ladson-Billings and Tate (1995),
“CRT scholars guard against essentializing the perspectives and experiences of racial groups”
(p. 59) and contend the amount of within-group differences is greater among ethnic or racial
groups than between-group differences.
The final tenet we highlight is Whiteness as property. Harris (1993) noted, “The ability
to define, possess, and own property has been a central feature of power in America” (p. 53).
Harris argued that being White has a material and social value and introduces four property
functions of Whiteness: (a) rights of disposition, (b) rights to use and enjoyment, (c) reputation
and status property, and (d) the absolute right to exclude. The property of being White is linked
to inherent privileges Blacks are aware of and will never possess.
Stereotype Threat
Steele (1997) defined stereotype threat as occurring when a negative stereotype
becomes self-relevant “for something one is doing, for an experience one is having, or for a
situation one is in, that has relevance to one’s self-definition” (p. 616). For stereotype threat to
exist, the individual the stereotype is imposed upon must identify with the domain being
evaluated (Steele & Aronson, 1995). Therefore, the stereotyped individual must identify in
some way with the identity being challenged for stereotype threat to exist (Steele, 2010).
Further, Steele (2010) stated that the threatening environment created by negative stereotypes
is generated from the “pressure not to confirm the stereotype for fear of being judged or treated
in terms of it” (p. 89).
Stereotype threat is a situational threat that can affect any group of individuals for which
stereotypes exist (Steele, 1997). Specifically, Black men in college are more prone to
experiencing stereotypes in general and are thus more susceptible to stereotype threats and the
threatening environments that stereotypes create (Ancis, Sedlacek, & Mohr, 2000; Steele,
2010; Steele & Aronson, 1995).
Anti-Deficit Achievement Framework
Harper’s (2012) anti-deficit achievement framework is one of few models aimed at
reshaping the view of Black males within higher education contexts. This framework derives
from 30 years of literature focused on Black males in education and society, and is grounded
in sociology, psychology, gender studies, and educational theories. Harper (2007) stated that
some of the guiding research used to inform this framework focused on “understanding why
[B]lack men excel instead of adding to the already well-understood reasons that they fail” (p.
61).
The anti-deficit achievement framework consists of a series of probing questions that
researchers, educators, and administrators can direct at Black males about their experiences to
and through college. Questions are broken into three categories: (a) pre-college socialization
and readiness, (b) college achievement, and (c) post-college success (Harper, 2012). Further,
these three overarching sections are subcategorized into what Harper (2012) calls “eight
researchable dimensions of achievement (familial factors, K-12 school forces, out-of-school
college prep resources, classroom experiences, out-of-class engagement, enriching educational
experiences, graduate school enrollment, and career readiness)” (p. 5).
Researchers’ Positionalities
As common in qualitative research to improve trustworthiness and openness, we
thought it would be important to describe our positionalities in relation to the study.
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TB: I am a Biracial male. My father identifies as a Black male and my mother
identifies as a White female. I grew up in the Southeastern United States and
have been subject to stereotypes, microaggressions, and oppression in various
environments. My scholarly interests include social justice issues in the U.S.
higher education contexts due to my personal experiences during my
educational endeavors in high school and college. More specifically, my intent
with this study and others concerning African-American/Black males is to bring
light to the injustices plaguing African-American/Black males in higher
education, while also encouraging success, innovation, and advancement
through an anti-deficit approach. My hope is to inspire African American/Black
male collegians as they continue to persist through environments that threaten
their existence and progression in higher education contexts.
DM: I am an African American male and my scholarship explores race, gender,
identity intersections, and intersectionality in higher education contexts.
Broadly, I am an advocate for social justice and inclusion so my research often
focuses on the experiences of minoritized populations like the participants who
were included in the present study. Further, since I identify with participants in
the present study, I was particularly invested in what we might discover that
may help improve the experiences of African American males as they persist in
college.
Method
We utilized a phenomenological research design since we sought rich, thick
descriptions of the participants’ experiences (M. Q. Patton, 2002). Phenomenological studies
seek to explore and interpret the lived experiences of the research participants (Merriam &
Tisdell, 2016). By using this design, we were able to give voice to Black males, an often
marginalized population, and ultimately capture their collective perspectives and points of
views (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). Finally, because counternarratives are a tenet of CRT, the
phenomenological design provided participants with the opportunity to speak out, giving their
often unheard voices an opportunity to express some of the deeply rooted issues surrounding
stereotypes and the threatening environments they create.
This study was conducted—with the university’s Institutional Review Board
approval—at a large, predominantly White institution (PWI) located in the Midwestern United
States. The participants for this study self-identified as Black/African American males. Criteria
for involvement in this study were specific: (a) an individual who identified as Black/African
American; (b) an individual who identified as male; (c) a current undergraduate student with
an academic status of sophomore, junior, or senior; and (d) a grade point average (GPA) of 2.0
or higher on a 4.0 scale. In collaboration with the institution’s office of institutional analysis, a
recruitment email was sent to qualified participants outlining the nature of the research study
and their potential involvement. We then instructed individuals who met the participation
criteria to contact TB for detailed instructions regarding future contributions to the study.
Ultimately, six eligible participants responded during the recruitment process. Participant
demographic information is summarized in Table 1.
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Table 1
Participant Demographic Information
Pseudonym Race/Ethnicity
Academic
Standing
Current or
Previous Campus
Involvement
Future
Goals/Aspirations
Mayor
African-American
Senior
Bible Study Group,
Student Senate
“Pursue a graduate
degree or Ph.D. in
psychology.”
Michael
Black
Senior
Presidential
“Lawyer and/or
Leadership
Politician.”
Academy, Mock
Trial Association,
Governance/Student
Senate, Model UN
Group
JD
Black
Junior
LGBT Student
Ambassador, Queer
and Trans People of
Color
“Develop an
organization that
helps Black queer
individuals or
women-centered.
Own my own
place.”
Trevor
African-American
Senior
Intern, Resident
Assistant, AKPSI
Business Fraternity,
Sport Leadership
Club
“High
school/college
athletic director,
basketball coach,
founder/director of
an afterschool
program for
troubled children.”
Chris
Black/African
American
Sophomore
Peer Mentor,
Campus Ministry,
Trio, Pre-Med Club
“Graduate – attain
B.S., go to medical
school, study
abroad.”
Sony
Black
Junior
National
Association for
Music Education,
United Way of
Lakeshore,
Symphony
Orchestra
Volunteer, Phi
Theta Kappa
“Pursue a doctoral
degree and become
a collegiate
teacher. Work with
non-profit
organization to
help students in
need.”
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Data Collection
Our data collection process consisted of two semi-structured, one-on-one interviews
and observational data collection. For the interviews, each participant was asked to choose a
private, quiet location on the institution’s campus to ensure comfort. At the start of the initial
interviews, participants were informed of their rights and the voluntary nature of their
participation in the research study. Also, during initial interviews participants were asked to
select a pseudonym to protect their identity throughout the data analysis, findings, and
conclusion portions of this study.
Upon receiving permission to do so, each interview was audio-recorded to ensure all
experiences, accounts, and details of the interview were captured for in-depth data analysis.
Furthermore, during each interview TB recorded detailed notes of the participant’s responses,
mannerisms, attitudes, quotes, and demeanor for future analysis. Although interview questions
were preset (see Appendix A), the semi-structured nature of the interviews allowed for followup/probing questions to gain a better, more detailed account of the participants’ experiences
with racialized stereotypes in college.
During the observational portion of research, TB used naturalistic observation—an
observational technique where the researcher does not manipulate the environment in which
subjects reside (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). In doing so, TB observed participants in various
social and academic settings on campus in order to capture participants’ experiences,
occurrences, and happenings when and if participants were stereotyped on campus. Thus,
outside of the participant of the study, other individuals were unaware of TB’s presence and/or
observational note taking. This led to results that were more naturally occurring; the
participants’ and others’ actions were uncontaminated and unaltered as they happened. Data
collected from these observations were handwritten and referred to occurrences and happenings
related to racial stereotypes in the various social or academic settings. Quotes or phrases were
used if applicable. However, information was gathered and reported in a manner that protected
the anonymity of those involved.
Finally, we utilized a follow-up or “anchored interview” (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016, p.
139) immediately after observations took place. The one-on-one anchored interviews were
rooted, or anchored, in the observations TB made. Thus, this semi-structured interview format
obtained information related to the participants’ lived experiences and internalized thoughts in
the immediate aftermath of a specific occurrence or event regarding racial stereotypes, if any
were presented. As a result, TB was able to examine real-time observations of racial stereotypes
and participants’ reactions to these environments based on the interactions and interpretations
of the lived experience.
During the anchored interview process, TB continued to adhere to the same protocol
utilized in the initial interview to obtain participants’ knowing and willing consent. Moreover,
the semi-structured nature of these interviews allowed TB to question participants about their
interactions, perceptions, feelings, and internalizations regarding the racial stereotype(s) they
experienced. Similar to previous interview techniques, TB recorded notes during all one-onone anchored interviews.
Data Analysis
After completing all of the interviews and observations, we created transcripts from the
audiotaped interviews, matched them for accuracy, and they were used for analysis along with
the handwritten notes. The interviews ranged from 25 to 85 minutes in length and the
observations ranged from 15 to 75 minutes in length. When conducting qualitative research,
the data gathered can appear messy, scattered, voluminous, or long-winded, thus the researcher
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must pair down various statements to their core meanings (Spencer, Ritchie, Ormston,
O’Connor, & Barnard, 2013). To organize the data, we first used line-by-line coding of the
transcribed interviews to highlight phrases, ideas, and statements made during each interview
process. Line-by-line coding or analysis is a meticulous process in which the researcher is able
to pinpoint and identify key components of the interview (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). In
addition to line-by-line coding, we cross referenced the handwritten interview notes with the
codes that emerged from the line-by-line analysis. This allowed us the opportunity to utilize a
technique often used in phenomenological analysis called thematic synthesis, which was
combining the ideas, concepts, and codes derived from the previous line-by-line analysis with
the interview notes (Spencer et al., 2013). We then utilized a comparative analysis by
comparing the codes derived from observational notes to the codes that emerged following the
line-by-line coding. As a result, themes, or patterns within the data emerged, allowing us to
identify commonalities and similarities within the transcribed codes and concepts extracted
from interview transcripts, interview notes, and observational notes. These themes guide the
conclusion and findings portion of this research. Appendix B highlights the themes, concepts,
and codes from the study.
We used the criteria of credibility and reliability as trustworthiness measures for the
study. Credibility addresses the extent to which the research findings match the lived
experiences of the participants, and reliability refers to the extent to which the study can be
replicated based on including details about the study’s design (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). The
techniques to improve the study’s trustworthiness involved (a) including raw data from the
study, which is often called an audit trail; (b) comparing findings to existing literature in the
discussion; and (c) going through a peer debriefing process related to the data analysis. The
peer debriefing process consisted of TB going through the data independently and highlighting
codes, concepts, and themes that emerged. DM then reviewed the codes, concepts, and themes
in light of the participants’ quotes, observational notes, and the theoretical framework to
address the degree of agreement with TB’s analysis. We used the peer debriefing process as a
practice of epoché, or suspending our biases, to ensure the findings matched the lived
experiences of the participants which is important in phenomenological explorations (Merriam
& Tisdell, 2016). All of the codes, concepts, and themes presented by TB were confirmed by
DM.
Findings
After analysis, four themes were identified and each theme was accompanied by
concepts or subthemes. The four themes were: (a) internalization, (b) stereotypes, (c)
persistence, and (d) advice (see Appendix B).
Internalization
Participants in this study not only spoke about their prior experiences with stereotypes
during interviews, but we were able to view five of the six in real time, capturing first-hand
experiences, reactions, and ways in which these individuals dealt with stereotypes in academic
and social settings on their college campus. Three concepts derived from this larger theme: (a)
emotions/feelings, (b) containment, and (c) questioning. Throughout these experiences,
participants not only felt specific instances of anger, frustration, and annoyance; more often
than not, many of their feelings were suppressed in the moment as participants internalized
these emotions and began questioning themselves and others.
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Emotions/feelings. Feelings and emotions displayed and or expressed by participants
were simply anger or frustration. Michael stated his feelings that came about during stereotype
situations as “Anger. Straight up.” However, Chris described an added emotion when speaking
about his experiences: “So, as far as feeling and emotions, I think that feeling of kind of almost
anger but at the same time, like, wanting to inform.” This sense of not wanting to overreact
while informing others of how their actions affect those around them directly relates to the
second concept, containment.
Containment. Trevor described this concept with precision when he stated, “But I have
felt like I couldn’t display my full self because of reactions of other people.” Containment
occurs when individuals feel as if they must alter or contain their true selves in fear of being
judged, ridiculed, or rejected as a result of their expressed emotions. Michael described the
“pressure” experienced during stereotype situations as “help[ing] to kind of contain my anger
and then vent that anger or express that anger in a more positive way.” Trevor added that this
containment hindered some of his abilities in the classroom when engaging with the larger
group:
It happened to me a few times in classes, like, where I was honestly the only
Black student in a class of 40. It's kind of like teachers … if I had a question, I
wouldn't know if I really wanted to ask it because I didn't want people to look
at me like, "Oh, he's not ... How does he not understand this?" And things like
that. So I felt uncomfortable displaying my unsureness in the classroom.
Questioning. Participants also spoke of the ambivalent nature they endured when
internalizing the emotions and feelings they had when being stereotyped. Similar to Trevor’s
experience of containing his classroom engagement as a result of perceived stereotypes from
classmates, JD stated, “I try to pick and choose what stereotypes I’m going to try to dispel,
which ones I’m going to have to, at some point, internalize, and have a constant conversation
with myself about it.”
Sony described his internal struggle as a mixture of frustration and fatigue as he
constantly had to battle with what is appropriate and how to speak up when threatened by
stereotypes:
Here it goes again, I knew we were gonna get to this point. And then anger, not
being able to just … like always being seen as the Black friend instead of just
as a friend. And then you have to be courageous and actually speak up about it,
so sometimes it's like an inner battle with yourself. Conflict, do I let this slide,
or do I address it?
Although it is apparent many Black males struggle with internalization, as exhibited through
many of the participants’ quotes and experiences, much of their ambivalence stems from
wanting to inform others of their racial ignorance and intolerance.
Stereotypes
This second theme was developed from four concepts: (a) prejudice/preconceived
notions, (b) stereotype threat, (c) microaggressions, and (d) normalcy of racial stereotypes.
Prejudice/preconceived notions. Black male participants overwhelmingly
experienced racial stereotypes in the form of preconceived notions about their intelligence or
the area of work/study they were expected to engage in. Both Michael and Mayor spoke of
their experiences within the same student organization on campus, where they were expected
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and/or selected to sit on the “diversity committee” due to what they perceived to be
preconceived notions about their interest and involvement. Michael highlighted this notion in
an analogy to his experiences in the classroom:
You know, one of the reasons that automatically gives off the fact that you're
being stereotyped is the difference in how other people are treated. Right? So
the White boy sitting next to me is not expected to become a civil rights lawyer.
The White boy sitting next to me is expected to become a CEO or a corporate
lawyer, like I want to be.
In addition, Michael described the “exceptional Negro” concept experienced by many Black
males in intellectual and/or collegiate settings:
They automatically got what they think of you in their head. And it's either they
think that you're just like you're supposed to be as a Black man, you're
unintelligent, you're uneducated, you're going nowhere, or somehow that you're
exceptionally bright, as if that's different than the normal.
Stereotype threat. In keeping with Steele’s (1999) articulation of stereotype threat,
Chris explained his experiences with the threatening environments stereotypes created for him:
I would never say I felt threatened, but I felt intimidated in different
occurrences. I don't know if it was because of stereotypes necessarily, but just
being in an environment where you are maybe the only person of color, or the
only Black person, or the only Black male.
Similarly, Michael stated, “There are a lot of social interactions that I kind of stay away from
because of stereotypes.” These instances of avoidance and lack of engagement have severe
implications for Black males’ persistence in the collegiate realm.
Microaggressions. Many of the threats created by stereotypes exist as a result of
microaggressions. Microaggressions refer to the subtle repeated insults, slander, or racial
interactions frequently encountered by people of color (Solórzano, Ceja, & Yosso, 2000).
Every participant spoke of, or was observed in, a situation where a microaggression was
exhibited. Sony’s coworker called him by another coworker’s name during his observation.
During the follow-up interview we asked him why he thought that happened, and he expressed
that he and his coworker were often confused for each other due to the color of their skin. These
subtle racial instances were described by Chris from an encounter he had during his
involvement with a religious organization on campus:
As soon as I got there he was like, “Hey Chris, what’s up?” And I told him
what’s up and then he immediately goes for the handshake where it’s like, you
being it in, and then you do the little tap on the back instead of the regular
handshake. So I think that kind of notion of that’s what I do since I’m a Black
man. Like, I shake hands like that.
Due to the frequent nature of these experiences, the overwhelming majority of participants
spoke of the seemingly normal nature of experiencing stereotypes at their Midwestern PWI.
Normalcy of racial stereotypes. The saliency of CRT is exhibited in this concept. The
inevitable nature of stereotypes was described by participants as “nothing new” or simply
“being used to it.” Trevor elaborated:
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Just the environment we live in in this area is honestly not shocking. So at this
point of being here for four years, it's kind of like you're going to experience
things, and I can't let it ... prolong an effect on my behavior, I guess, for a long
period of time.
Similarly, Sony described his experiences with stereotypes as normal and something he had
come to expect during his collegiate tenure. He noted, “Yeah, I'm kinda used to it [stereotypes].
I guess I don't get upset because, I mean, I expect that to happen.” Sony went on to state that,
“uncomfortability is just something I have to live with…. Uncomfortability just became
normal, something I had to deal with.” Thus, he explained an additional burden/load Black
males carry with them as they navigate institutions of higher education.
Persistence
The persistence theme was exhibited through four concepts described as (a) confronting
stereotypes, (b) ignoring stereotypes, (c) dispelling stereotypes, and (d) alleviating pressure.
Following Harper’s (2012) anti-deficit model, this theme (persistence) emerged as participants
described how they were able to excel and persist through the threatening environments they
faced as a result of racial stereotypes in both social and academic settings.
Confronting stereotypes. Participants saw confronting stereotypes as one of the most
effective ways of educating others on how and why what they say could be interpreted or
perceived as threatening or unjust. Michael stated that when he confronts racial ignorance and
injustices he utilizes a tactic of asking questions to dig deeper and get to the basis or root of
helping others realize what they are saying/doing:
But I do speak my mind and I definitely tell them, or at least ask them questions
and make them get as to why. Because sometimes people can be stereotypical
of races and not really realize that they're being that because the system is
designed to where as long as you're not on that side and you don't know what's
going on.
Michael then elaborated on his approach in these varying situations:
I think if you do it in a way that doesn't expel them from the conversation,
doesn't isolate them in the conversation, they're more likely to engage, and
they're more likely to see your point of view, and then they're more likely to
say, “You know what? You're right. I understand why you would feel that way.”
Moreover, Sony spoke about his success when employing these types of tactics in an
environment with his friend group, a self-described place where he experiences stereotypes the
most in college: “My friends always make those racial jokes, which are decreasing now because
I’m calling people on them when they say it.”
Ignoring stereotypes. Alternatively, as a result of fatigue, some participants choose to
ignore many of the stereotypes and microaggressions they experience so frequently. McGee
and Martin (2011) described being fed up with this frequency of racialized experiences as racial
battle fatigue. JD expressed his frustration and his tactic of utilizing this means to an end in
some instances:
It's stressful being a college student, sometimes. I'm out here trying to type
papers. I'm out here trying to study for my exams and things, so some days I'm
Taylor Benjamin Hardy Boyd and Donald Mitchell Jr.
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just going to choose to ignore it… it's not my [fault]... I feel like Google is free,
there are a lot of different people talking about this, talking about this exact
same subject, and I should not have to be your Black teacher. So, you know,
some days, as a friend once told me, some days I'm “off-duty Black.”
Although there is a seemingly inevitable weight imposed on Black male collegians in regard
to stereotypes while enrolled, Chris highlighted his expectation of the inevitable and how he
employs an anti-deficit framework when ignoring stereotypes: “I already know what to expect
and adjust some to that… Just being conscientious, but also not kind of letting that almost
dictate my experience.”
Dispelling stereotypes. Participants spoke of ways in which they dispel stereotypes by
utilizing tactics such as codeswitching and overcompensating, as well as using stereotypes as
fuel/motivation for success in academic and social settings. In regard to codeswitching, Sony
spoke about having a “second face” he would put on during certain instances:
But when [Black males] go into a professional setting we have to switch, flip
the switch and be the second person, this two-faced person. Not in a bad way,
but so that the world isn't offended by our culture or, you know, the way that
we do things, our comfortability.
He went on to tell a detailed story about a time when he had to employ this tactic around what
he described as “important people” at the institution claiming, “Of course [there] was that
second face that I would have to put on because I want to have a good impression, and I didn’t
want to see them play out those stereotypes or anything.” Sony employed this tactic so often
that during observations, he did not even realize how much he altered his voice, tone, and
language when speaking on the phone and to other colleagues in the office. He said he is so
accustomed to codeswitching that it has become unconscious in nature.
Other participants like Chris, spoke of breaking down those stereotypes and hashing
away at them in regard to overcompensation: “You wanna dispel them and you wanna break
down those barriers to kind of hash away that stereotype.” JD also took an optimistic
perspective to breaking down stereotypes when he stated, “I kind of use it to my advantage,
because when you think I'm a certain way, and I go above and beyond that to prove you
wrong… I get some satisfaction out of it.” This optimistic or anti-deficit approach taken by
Black males in college is precisely how these unique individuals are persisting in the wake of
stereotypes today.
Alleviating pressure. Alleviating pressure for many participants came in the form of
choosing and selecting mature and culturally competent friend groups with which to surround
themselves throughout their collegiate tenure. Sony spoke not only of friend groups, but of the
significance institutional administrators played in his success in persisting through stereotypes:
When I got to college I started being around people who were quick to combat
those kind of stereotypes, and so I think that gave me more ideas and more
courage to call people out on it when they said things like that.
Moreover, Sony described his experiences consulting with institutional administrators:
[Surrounding myself with] other people who are in the college settings who are
highly educated people [because] they've dealt with systematic racism and not
just that face-to-face racism that you might face on the street. I think I've learned
more of how to deal with that… if that makes sense.
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Advice
Although advice was the shortest of the four themes, this was due to the blunt and frank
nature in which participants spoke about providing advice to younger Black male collegians.
What follows are examples of their advice:
Speak up, and speak up early because when you stay silent, you give authority
to it. You give permission to people you stay silent to, to do that. So if you are
offended, if there is something that is bugging you, just speak up, just say
something. Because that's how you change it. (Michael)
Don't try to be someone you're not, and appreciate you for who you are. And
just because everything around you looks a certain way doesn't mean that you
have to look that way too. It's okay to be different and mold your own
personality. (Sony)
Don't feel pressured by other people to fit into what they want you to be, and
definitely just believe in yourself, believe in your own magic, believe in your
own practice. (JD)
Discussion
In almost every observation, participants' internalized feelings and emotions were
brought forth by being stereotyped by others. Additionally, during one-on-one interviews,
participants described in detail how their feelings and emotions were affected by being
stereotyped by others. Feelings of anxiety, pressure, fear, ambivalence, and confusion were all
brought forth by stereotypes and stereotype threat. Broman (1997), Steele and Aronson (1995),
and Utsey (1998) all have contended that stereotypes and stereotype threats are linked to health
risk factors, which may have an effect on academic persistence and retention. Dahlvig (2010)
stated that feelings of isolation could influence rates of persistence and retention among African
American students at PWIs. In addition, psychological effects, such as internalization, can lead
to psychological stressors (Smith et al., 2007). Although instances of internalization occurred
more often than not, as participants in this study continued their efforts to combat and dispel
stereotypes in their later years of college, they began to directly address these instances,
realizing that silence can indicate acceptance and tolerance of the stereotypes. This approach
has been reinforced by Harper (2015), who found that participants in his study rejected the
notion of suppressing or internalizing feelings and emotions when stereotyped by others,
further contributing to the action-oriented suggestions and advice made by the majority of
participants in this study.
Along with psychological implications, in many instances participants explained how
stereotypes shaped their social interactions and experiences as well. Walton and Cohen (2003)
described the “mistrust of the motives behind other people’s treatment” (p. 83) as a result of
experiencing or perceiving a stereotype or a threatening environment. Participants in our study
either chose not to participate in a campus organization because of how they perceived they
would be stereotyped (e.g., joining a fraternity), or after they had been stereotyped by others in
social environments (e.g., friend groups, student government, religiously affiliated campus
organizations). As a result, these students were less engaged on campus, highlighting Astin’s
(1984) and Tinto’s (1993) suggestions that students who are less engaged on campus suffer
more academically, directly relating to measures of persistence.
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907
Participants did find comfort in associating with other Black people on campus, whether
they were colleagues, peers, mentors, faculty members, or administrators. Often, participants
stated that same-race institutional administrators provided support, guidance, and hope for
future endeavors. LaVant et al. (1997) found that minority students, specifically Black males,
found it comforting and beneficial in their educational and social gains when accompanied by
a mentor. Additionally, Strayhorn and Terrell (2007) found that forming a research focus with
faculty or staff members was of more benefit than simply forming a social mentoring
relationship. However, the results from our study indicated non-research focused
mentor/mentee relationships can also have significant effects on Black male collegiate
persistence.
Participants explained how the majority of stereotypes they encounter stem from subtle,
yet threatening, experiences with microaggressions and prejudice/preconceived notions.
Participants outlined how the two intertwined, expressing how prejudice and preconceived
notions played a significant role when instances of microaggressions would occur. For
instance, the preconceived notion that Black males are incapable and unintelligent might trigger
a microaggression of a White student telling a Black male that the only reason the Black male
was accepted into college was due to the color of his skin rather than his intellectual ability.
Moreover, participants stated their lack of classroom engagement was hindered by the
perceived stereotype that others saw them as intellectually incapable. Steele (2010)
acknowledged and reaffirmed this belief when he explained how stereotypes can create a
threatening environment for students simply due to the “pressure not to confirm the stereotype
for fear of being judged or treated in terms of it” (p. 89). Although one participant described a
specific instance in this way, the majority of the participants in this study highlighted the fact
that blatant stereotypes, preconceived notions, or microaggressions fueled their ability to work
harder and dispel the negative stereotypes that were placed upon them. These instances of
dispelling stereotypes address Harper’s (2012) anti-deficit model question, stating, “What
compels one to speak and participate actively in a course in which he is the only Black
student?” (p. 5). This anti-deficit framework and ideology utilized by Black males in academia
provides significant insight into how and why these unique, brilliant minds combat stereotypes
and utilize others’ ignorance and intolerance to propel their own academic and social
advancements.
Recommendations for Practice
Participants were clear in their responses and alluded to a number of practices and
policies institutions could adopt to increase persistence and retention efforts for Black male
collegians. First, students continually spoke of internalizing thoughts and emotions related to
stereotypes and the threatening environments they create, which can lead to severe
psychological and social implications. Still, these participants never mentioned seeking or
being offered assistance or help in the form of counseling or psychological services on campus.
Such services with intentional outreach, marketing, and planning focused on Black male
collegians could help alleviate the pressures and trauma stereotype threats have the potential to
cause. Creating groups or subgroups focused on males of color, and in this case Black males,
might prove beneficial in dispelling the stigma surrounding counseling services while targeting
a specific student population that is in need.
Second, providing students with stereotype threat bystander intervention training or a
similar seminar as a component of the general education requirements of the institution might
reduce the impact of the number of stereotype threat situations occurring on campus while
simultaneously educating the student population about this prominent issue facing many Black
male students. If incoming students are being educated on the influence they can have on the
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The Qualitative Report 2018
experiences of others, it will positively influence cross-cultural interactions and relations. In
turn, this could reduce the number of stereotypes occurring on campus, ultimately affecting the
ways in which Black males persist through the collegiate realm. For instance, as stereotypes
decrease, Black males may be more willing to experience and engage in a number of on-campus
activities contributing to academic and social successes. With this, stereotype interactions have
the potential to decrease and become less frequent, providing Black males with fewer barriers
in obtaining and persisting to and through a collegiate degree.
Recommendations for Future Research
This study focused on Black collegiate males and how they persist through college in
the wake of stereotypes. Future research should expand on how multiple intersecting identities
represented within Black male collegians (e.g., gay, first-generation college, low-income,
athlete) play a role in their persistence. Insight into these intersections of identity might result
in differing experiences for Black male collegians.
Although observational techniques were utilized to obtain a more detailed account of
the participants’ experience with stereotypes in the immediate setting, future observational
settings might be more controlled. For example, a study could view Black males only in
academic classroom settings rather than academic and social settings.
Finally, studies about persistence could be expanded to include more participants at
various ranges in their academic tenures. Focusing on specific academic years (i.e., sophomore,
junior, senior) could provide insights and highlight how Black males are specifically persisting
from year to year.
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Appendix A
Initial Interview Protocol
1. Can you tell me a little bit about yourself?
2. What stereotypes do you think people hold against you?
a. Good and bad…
3. Have you ever been stereotyped before you came to college?
a. How did you persist through these stereotypes and continue on to college?
b. Do you still employ similar tactics to deal with stereotypes while you are in
college?
4. How do you know someone is stereotyping you or holds a stereotype toward an identity
group you possess?
a. What do they do?
b. How do they act?
5. What do they say? Can you give me an example of a time you were stereotyped in
college?
a. If so, what was the stereotype?
b. How did you react when you were stereotyped?
i. Do you think that Black males are trying to dispel the stereotype(s)?
ii. Do you think Black males are trying to conform to the stereotype(s)?
6. Where do you experience stereotypes the most? (i.e., social setting, academic setting,
Taylor Benjamin Hardy Boyd and Donald Mitchell Jr.
911
specific area of campus, etc.)
7. What are some feelings/emotions that come about when you perceive someone holds a
stereotype against you?
a. What are some ways in which you handle or deal with your emotions when
someone is holding stereotypes against you?
8. Have you ever felt threatened in an environment as a result of a perceived stereotype?
9. Have you ever felt uncomfortable in a setting as a result of a perceived stereotype from
another individual?
a. If so, what did that feel like? (pressured, anxious, nervous, etc.)
10. What did you do when faced with this challenge? Have you ever tried to conform to or
dispel a stereotype someone else held against you? (maybe this was in a particular
setting, group, or just in general [i.e., advancing your education])
11. Have you ever felt that stereotypes have hindered or excelled your academic
performance in the classroom?
12. Have you ever felt that stereotypes have hindered your social experiences?
a. If yes, what did you do when faced with this scenario?
13. Similarly, have you ever participated or not participated in an event, group, or activity
due to a perceived stereotype someone may have against you?
14. How do you think stereotypes have shaped your academic endeavors in college?
15. Have your experiences with stereotypes shaped your involvement with university
groups, clubs, or organizations?
16. What advice, if any, would you give your younger self about dealing with stereotypes?
Appendix B
Themes, Concepts, and Codes
Themes
Concepts
Internalization Emotions/Feelings
Codes
-
Containment
-
Questioning (ambivalence)
Stereotypes
Prejudice/Preconceived
Notions
-
Isolation
Fatigue
Annoyance
Don’t belong
Anger, fear, anxiety, nervous,
stress, isolation
Confusion
Controlling, subduing, alteration
of emotions and true self
Holding back
Do it to protect my emotions
Questioning emotions & reactions
Questioning
reaction/decisions/thoughts
Questioning others intentions
Owning certain clothing/shoes
“Angry Black man” (violent)
Low S.E.S./poor
Unintelligent or incapable
Blackness as threatening
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Stereotype Threat
-
Area of study/interest
Listen to specific types of music
“Exceptional Negro”
-
Not speaking up in class
Only person of color in
environment
Avoiding certain groups/student
orgs
Questioning existence in this
space
Microaggressions
Normalcy
Stereotypes
of
-
Racial
-
Persistence
Confronting Stereotypes
-
Mannerisms/body language
jokes
Articulation (phrases, sayings,
slang)
Avoidance/silence
Handshakes
-
Not shocking
Used to it
Nothing new
Directly address
Question
intentions/meaning
Educating others
-
Fatigue… “Off duty Black”
Brush it off
Don’t let it dictate my actions
-
Using
stereotype
as
fuel/motivation for success
Overcompensate
Not feeding into what others want
Codeswitching
others
Ignoring Stereotypes
Dispelling Stereotypes
Alleviating Pressure
-
Advice
Speak up!
-
Involvement in student orgs of
color
Friends/friend groups (same race)
Role
models,
mentors,
administrators (same race)
Silence gives authority to
stereotypes
Confront
Ask probing questions (why?)
Be yourself
-
Don’t feed into what others want
you to be
Taylor Benjamin Hardy Boyd and Donald Mitchell Jr.
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Author Note
Taylor Benjamin Hardy Boyd is a graduate of the M.Ed. in Higher Education program
at Grand Valley State University. Correspondence regarding this article can be addressed
directly to: taylor1ram@yahoo.com.
Donald Mitchell, Jr., is professor of higher education leadership in the Annsley Frazier
Thornton School of Education at Bellarmine University in Louisville. Correspondence
regarding this article can also be addressed directly to: dmitchell2@bellarmine.edu.
Research reported in this publication was supported by The Graduate School at Grand
Valley State University. The content is solely the responsibility of the authors and does not
represent the views of The Graduate School at Grand Valley State University.
Copyright 2018: Taylor Benjamin Hardy Boyd, Donald Mitchell Jr., and Nova
Southeastern University.
Article Citation
Boyd, T. B. H., & Mitchell, D., Jr. (2018). Black male persistence in spite of facing stereotypes
in college: A phenomenological exploration. The Qualitative Report, 23(4), 893-913.
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