System 71 (2017) 49e59
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System
journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/system
Measuring social interaction during study abroad:
Quantitative methods and challenges
Dan P. Dewey*
Brigham Young University, USA
a r t i c l e i n f o
a b s t r a c t
Article history:
Received 21 September 2017
Accepted 21 September 2017
Available online 28 September 2017
This paper examines ways of measuring (assigning numbers to) social interaction and
language use during study abroad. It reviews the development of instruments for such
measurement and describes some of the connections that have been made between
quantitative measures of social second language use and language development while
abroad. Measures addressed include the Language Contact Profile, language logs, the Social
Network Questionnaire, the Study Abroad Social Interaction Questionnaire, online social
media, photo elicitation, mobile phone surveys, and other computational methodologies.
The paper encourages mixed methods for clearer and more elaborate understanding and
more detailed documentation of tools and procedures for better understanding of crossstudy similarities and differences.
© 2017 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
Keywords:
Study abroad
Second language use
Social network
LCP
1. Introduction
Accurate measurement is important for second language acquisition (SLA) studies. (Norris & Ortega, 2003; Seliger &
Shohamy, 1989). To understand language acquisition, we must observe and measure it; to determine the contribution of
any variable to SLA development, we must accurately gauge that variable. We cannot draw solid conclusions about how SLA
occurs without accurately measuring language acquisition and the factors that influence it. Pedhazur and Schmelkin (2013)
note, “Of various definitions of measurement in socio-behavioral sciences, the preeminent, although by no means universally
accepted, is one offered and elaborated upon by Stevens… (1968) ‘the assignment of numbers to aspects of objects or events
according to one or another rule or convention’ (p. 850)” (p. 16). Measurement as defined here will be the focus of this paper.
In the study abroad (SA) setting, one challenge is determining the degree to which learners are immersed in the second
language (L2). While learners are generally thought to experience all-out immersion in the L2 while abroad, some research
challenges this assumption (Diao, Freed, & Smith, 2011; Iino, 2006; Magnan & Back, 2007; Wilkinson, 1998a, 1998b). Evaluating the accuracy of this assumption and establishing more clearly the amount of contact learners have with locals and the
degree to which they use the L2 are challenges that merit careful and thoughtful measurement.
Studies of language contact during SA have gathered information on time spent reading, writing, listening to, and speaking
rez-Vidal & Juan-Garau, 2009).
the L2 (Badstübner & Ecke, 2009; Dewey, 2004; Ferenz, 2005; Llanes & Botana, 2015; Pe
Understanding amount of time using the L2 and how that time is used in a SA setting can enhance general knowledge of the
processes of SLA. When acquiring a language in communities where the language is not spoken natively, access to written
* Brigham Young University, Department of Linguistics and English Language, 4064 JFSB, Provo, UT, 84601, USA.
E-mail address: ddewey@byu.edu.
https://doi.org/10.1016/j.system.2017.09.026
0346-251X/© 2017 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
50
D.P. Dewey / System 71 (2017) 49e59
linguistic resources is typically greater than availability of native speaker interlocutors (see Tse, 2001). Hence, SA provides
greater opportunity for exposure to and interaction in the L2 than at-home foreign language learning and social interaction in
the L2 is therefore a rich topic for research in SA.
From an SLA perspective, one could argue for promoting social interaction through SA in the name of increasing input
(Krashen, 1981, 1985), providing opportunities for negotiating meaning with interlocutors (Long, 1985), being forced to output
language necessary for various communicative interactions (Swain, 1993, 1998, pp. 127e140), or encouraging the higherorder cognitive activity involved in participation in cultural and linguistic settings requiring meaningful social interaction
(Lantolf & Appel, 1994; Lantolf & Pavlenko, 1995; Lantolf & Poehner, 2014; Lantolf, 2000). Based on Krashen’s (1981, 1985)
input hypothesis, one could argue for the importance of exposure to extensive input and the value of having a readily
available native speaker (NS) interlocutor adjust that input to be comprehensible. One could also emphasize the importance
of experiencing a broad range of communicative situations during SA (conversational frames, confirmation checks, clarification requests, self-repetitions, other repetitions, expansions, or other adjustments) where the speaker needs to work with
an L2 interlocutor to accomplish various communicative goals (Long, 1985). Next, advocates of SLA through social interaction
abroad could argue for SA to promote “pushed output” (Swain, 1985). Swain states, “Comprehensible output is, unfortunately,
generally missing in typical classroom settings, language classroom and immersion classrooms [at home] being no exception”
(p. 252). Swain contrasts classroom learners with “street learners” who are forced to engage in more “two-way, negotiated
meaning exchanges” (p. 247). SA participants could be characterized as “street learners” who are pushed to engage in such
negotiated meaning exchanges. Finally, advocates of sociocultural theory could argue that SA provides an ideal setting for
social interaction through formal, organized institutional settings such as schooling, internships, and sport activities, but also
through informal social interaction with host families, neighbors, peers, and others. Learning can be mediated by authentic
objects within the SA setting and scaffolded by other speakers of the L2 (both native and nonnative), and individuals can move
beyond their current independent capacities as they stretch toward the higher end of their zone of proximal development
through the scaffolding of others around them. In short, interaction with and scaffolding by others in one's environment is a
key component of SA in line with sociocultural theory (Lantolf & Appel, 1994; Lantolf & Pavlenko, 1995; Lantolf & Poehner,
2014; Lantolf, 2000). Johnson and Golambek (2011, 2016) illustrate well from a sociocultural perspective how SA can better
prepare teachers to engage learners in dialogic interaction in the classroom based on the needs of out-of-class social interaction typical of immersive SA. From all four of these perspectives (input, interaction, output, and sociocultural), the value of
investigating social interaction is clear.
In this paper, I focus on the measurement of L2 social interaction during SA based on the assumptions that SA is important
for SLA and that accurate measurement is critical for understanding the SA experience and its linguistic benefits. I show that
social interaction can be measured in multiple ways and from various perspectives, and that each of these approaches can
contribute to our understanding of SLA during SA. Although qualitative methods such as ethnographies, interviews, and
journal studies are valuable for understanding social interaction, treatment of these methods is beyond the scope of this
study, so they are only touched on to illustrate the value of mixed methods.
2. Measuring social interaction: the language contact profile, language logs, and social network surveys
L2 social interaction abroad has been measured using a number of tools, including the Language Contact Profile (LCP),
language logs, and social network surveys. The LCP and language logs focus primarily on amount of time spent using the L2 in
various situations, and social network surveys focus on the individuals a person interacts with and relationships with those
individuals.
2.1. The LCP
Barbara Freed, a pioneer of research on SA and SLA, first published a complete version of the LCP in 2004 (Freed, Dewey,
Segalowitz, & Halter, 2004) as a refinement of versions used previously in her SA research (e.g., Freed, 1990, 1995). Freed
credits Seliger (1977) and Bialystok (1978) for the title and the foundational concepts behind her LCP, which she describes as
“a questionnaire to assess second language contact for students entering and completing language study programs in various
contexts of learning (academic classrooms, intensive domestic immersion, and study abroad)” (Freed, Dewey, et al., 2004, p.
349). The 2004 post-SA version of the LCP consists of questions on coursework and living arrangements and selection items
where respondents circle the average number of days per week they used a language during their SA and select a range
indicating the average number of hours they used that language on those days (0e1, 1e2, 2e3, etc.). Weekly totals are
generated by multiplying the two. Questions focus mostly on interactive face-to-face contact (17 questions) but also on
reading (9 questions), writing (7 questions), and listening (4 questions). In short, Freed, Dewey et al.’s (2004) LCP is a
comprehensive self-report for quantifying language contact and use that “has been continuously fine-tuned and has been
used in a number of complementary studies” both before and after its publication (p. 350).
2.1.1. Studies utilizing the LCP
Many of the articles included in the 2004 volume of Studies in Second Language Acquisition (SSLA) in which the LCP was
published utilized that same version of the LCP. Díaz-Campos (2004), for example, examined L2 Spanish phonological
development, finding that the number of days per week and the number of hours each day learners reported using Spanish
D.P. Dewey / System 71 (2017) 49e59
51
were significant predictors of phonological development abroad. Lafford (2004) found that “students in the SA context
consistently used fewer [communicative strategies] than their classroom counterparts, and their [strategy] use correlated
negatively with higher use of Spanish outside the classroom and with the host family” (p. 201). Both Díaz-Campos and Lafford
could have broken down out-of-class language use to look at social language use or other subcategories, but neither used
more than overall totals in their analyses.
In the same SSLA issue, Segalowitz and Freed (2004) explored oral proficiency and fluency during SA and at home in
Spanish, breaking down LCP results into categories. Their research showed weak (non-significant) relationships between
language contact while abroad and speaking gains. In a similar SSLA study of French learners abroad and at home, Freed,
Segalowitz, and Dewey (2004) used the same LCP and found no connection between spoken interaction and oral fluency
development. Only amount of time spent writing correlated significantly with their measures of oral fluencydthe more a
person wrote in French, the more fluent he or she became in spoken French.
Other LCP studies have likewise utilized figures for total language use or broken down LCP results by categories. Shively,
Cohen, and their colleagues (Cohen & Shively, 2007; Shively & Cohen, 2008) had students complete the LCP and reported
significant correlations between total reported out-of-class time speaking Spanish and sociolinguistic appropriateness on one
of ten vignettes: asking to switch an airplane seat. For those in homestay settings, the greater frequency with which students
reported having an extended conversation… in Spanish with their host family, generally favored gains in the appropriateness
ratings for” apologizing to a friend for being late to a meeting and asking a professor to speak more slowly to facilitate
comprehension (p. 102). Magnan and Back (2007) analyzed LCP data by questions and categories, finding only that amount of
time spent speaking with classmates abroad in one's L1 (English) correlated negatively with L2 speaking proficiency gainsdthe more learners spoke English with their classmates, the less they gained in French speaking proficiency. Similarly,
Mendelson (2004) analyzed interactive and noninteractive L2 use, finding no significant correlations with gains in Spanish
oral proficiency. Taguchi (2008) found that amount of time spent speaking and reading was a significant predictor of gains in
comprehension speed but not accuracy of comprehensiondthose who reported spending more time speaking or reading
were able to make quicker judgments on pragmatic tasks. Taguchi later (Taguchi, Xiao, & Li, 2016) separated out interactive
and noninteractive contact and found that interactive contributed more to Chinese L2 proficiency development than
noninteractive.
To summarize, attempts to connect language contact with language acquisition over SA using the LCP have resulted in
mixed findings. Some found no connection at all, while others found significant relationships. These differences could be
attributable to differences in the aspects of language being measured, how long learners are abroad, and other variables.
However, it is clear that to understand the role of social interaction during SA, it is important to break down LCP results and
analyze by items or categories involving social interaction (i.e., interactive L2 use).
2.1.2. Responses to criticisms of the LCP
Critics say the LCP (1) greatly overestimates amount of time spent in the L2 when items are totaled; (2) is too lengthy,
making administration impractical and discouraging learners from carefully responding; (3) is outdated, focusing only on
types of contact that occurred prior to the age of social media; and (4) inaccurately estimates hours because of individual bias
and limits to memory. This section will describe how researchers have responded to these criticisms and insights gained as a
result.
2.1.2.1. Overestimating total time. The 2004 LCP sought to provide estimates of amounts of time spent in individual activities
and not total time spent in the L2. However, SA researchers often total all LCP item responses to obtain totals for their analyses.
Two problems create room for overestimating totals: first, learners are not asked to make estimates in light of any total and
therefore do not take a more holistic perspective, and the typical tendency to overestimate in self-assessments (Kruger &
Dunning, 1999) gets magnified due to the large number of items in the LCP. Second, there is overlap between questions in
terms of interlocutors and purposes (questions ask about time with native speakers, teachers, host family members, and
strangers on the street and about purposes including homework clarification, seeking information, and asking directions).
Three approaches to LCP analysis address the challenges of totaling time from individual items. The first is to examine
individual items relative to each other rather than focusing on totals. For example, in one of our studies (Baker-Smemoe,
Cundick, Evans, Henrichsen, & Dewey, 2012), “our goal was to approximate the proportion or degree of time spent in each
activity (i.e., if more hours are reported in one activity, the assumption is that it is a more frequently occurring activity,
regardless of the difference in total hours in all activities)” (pp. 28e29). In that study, we found specific items, such as using
the L2 to ask for information and trying to use what was taught in language classes outside of class, were significantly and
positively correlated with L2 proficiency development.
Taking two other approaches, we analyzed questions regarding purposes separately from questions about interlocutors,
and we used online survey tools to provide running totals to guide them in moderating and estimating their responses. “As
students entered their estimates, the survey tool automatically generated a total number for time spent speaking, listening to,
reading and writing Japanese and English,” and students could then go back and modify individual item estimates in light of
the ongoing totals generated (Dewey, Bown, & Eggett, 2012, p. 120).
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D.P. Dewey / System 71 (2017) 49e59
2.1.2.2. Excess length. Because of concern that the LCP is too long and thus impractical to administer, scholars have reduced the
number of items, focused only on specific areas, and simplified question format. Taguchi et al. (2016) included only fourteen
items, seven focusing on interactive language use and seven on noninteractive. Taguchi (2008) included only seventeen items,
~ oz (2013) used a twelve-item version
removing questions focusing on purpose and other redundant material. Llanes and Mun
of the LCP revised for children. In a similar study also including adolescents, Llanes and Serrano (2014) mention using a
version of the LCP “simplified in order to make it suitable for children” (p. 5). Children and adolescents reported interacting
more with native speakers while abroad than adults did, and both children and adults had more L2 interaction abroad than
learners at home.
Pyper and Slagter (2015) simplified in a different way: “Whereas the 2004 LCP requires participants to first indicate the
number of days per week and then the hours per day for each behavior, this proved to be cumbersome, and a number of
students would discontinue the survey upon reaching these items. For this reason, the response prompt for these questions
were changed to a single response of ‘hours per week’” (p. 86). Participants reported spending an average of 25.7 h per week
speaking L2 Spanish and 8.5 h speaking L1 English during SA.
Simplified and focused LCP-like language contact questionnaires are common. Di Silvio, Donovan, and Malone (2014, 2015)
measured interaction in homestay situations, asking about “language activities conducted at home and student dispositions
r, and Iwaniec (2014) collected data on direct spoken contact, direct
toward the host family” (2014, p. 174). Kormos, Csize
written contact, and media contact. Reported written and media contact increased, but spoken interaction decreased over
time abroad. Similarly, Moyer (2006) opted for a shorter measure including one item each regarding time spent (1) interacting
with friends and acquaintances, (2) using German in professional settings, (3) using German on campus or in town, (4)
watching TV or films, (5) writing emails or using the Internet, and (6) doing other things.
Several researchers report adjusting the LCP but give minimal details. George (2014, p. 100) used a version of the LCP
lix-Brasdefer and Hasler-Barker, 2015, p. 78) used “a
“based on Freed, Dewey, Segalowitz, and Halter (2004),” and Fe
customized version” of the LCP, but specific modifications or customizations go unmentioned in both of these studies. Mora
rez-Vidal and Juan-Garau (2011) for details; however, Pe
rez-Vidal
and Valls-Ferrer (2012) also give no specifics, referring to Pe
and Juan-Garau do not detail what modifications were made to the LCP, simply mentioning questions “based on the Language
Contact Profile” (p. 170). The lack of detail in studies using modified versions of the LCP indicates the importance of documenting changes made or alternative questionnaires used. While some of these studies show connections with interactive
and noninteractive language use and language gains, others do not. Understanding these differing findings may require more
careful explication of modifications of the LCP or alternative methods used.
2.1.2.3. Content. Martínez-Arbelaiz, Areizaga, and Camps (2016) articulated an additional concern: “It is clear from a cursory
look at the LCP that it does not cover the whole array of emerging technologies and social media, nor the associated language
uses that these technologies can facilitate” (p. 3). In their study, they include an extensive set of questions in this area and
report that students regularly used a range of digital media (WhatsApp, Facebook, and other online social networks) in their
mother tongues and their L2s.
Stressing the importance of considering the availability and use of various technologies while abroad, Coleman and Chafer
(2010) state, We would argue that the stage of development and adoption of telecommunications in home and host countries
is a factor which should be, but often is not, taken into account in comparing contemporary studies with some of the most
widely cited study abroad publications. The question of Internet access is extremely date-sensitive. An obvious prerequisite is
that published studies should make clear at what date the subjects undertook their sojourn abroad. (pp. 164e165).
Coleman and Chafer emphasize the importance of the dates data were collected, but they could also emphasize the
importance of gathering information on use of social media, mobile phones, and other resources. They might also stress the
need to publish questions used in such studies, so researchers can understand what SA participants were asked and how
media use compares to other areas of language use while abroad.
Bracke and Aguerre (2015) document changes to the LCP and questions asked about social media use by supplying a
complete copy of their questionnaire. That questionnaire resembles the LCP but asks learners to indicate who they were in
touch with, in which ways, and in which languages rather than estimate amount of time spent. Face-to-face, online social
networking, and email communication are included in the questions. The inclusion of the actual survey is helpful, especially
since others, such as Hardison (2014), have adjusted the LCP “to include electronic communication” (p. 424) without elaborating or providing illustrative items.
2.1.2.4. Hour estimates. Briggs (2015a, 2015b) has expressed concerns over the use of retrospective estimates by learners of
hours spent in various activities and over wording in the LCP. She explains her concerns and modifications:
Many amendments were made to the LCP for use in the present study. The most significant of these was a modification of
the Likert scale from a frequency to a “how true of me” rating in order to find out which scenarios were most highly identified
with by the sample. This change was made because an out-of-class situation may not present itself regularly, yet a learner may
act in one particular way every time the situation occurs. Similarly, it is more difficult to accurately gauge how often
something happens than to state how representative it is of one's behaviour, and frequency scales of items of a different
nature cannot be treated cumulatively. (2015a, p. 299).
D.P. Dewey / System 71 (2017) 49e59
53
r and Kormos (2009) also use a scale (ranging from “not at all” to “very much”)
Similarly to Briggs (2015a, 2015b), Csize
instead of having learners report number of hours of contact. Their items focus on direct spoken contact, direct written
r and Kormos's questions were not designed to examine language
contact, indirect contact, and media usage. While Csize
contact in SA per se, they have proven useful in determining complex connections between indirect and direct contact with
language and self-confidence, instrumentality, and other variables.
ndez and Tapia
Concerned that the LCP might not accurately and adequately capture language contact during SA, Ferna
(2016) used another modified version of the LCP and compared results with supplemental, open-ended student comments
on these items, interview responses, and observations of interactions during SA. Their version of the LCP has students write in
(rather than select) number of days per week and number of hours per day in each activity and then comment about activity
associated with each item. Students reported ambiguity regarding the meaning of individual LCP questions and problems
with overlapping content. They also mentioned difficulty estimating number of hours of use in hindsight because amount of
time varied according to their language abilities and circumstances over the course of their SA. Student concerns draw
attention to the need to (1) evaluate individual items to avoid confusion, (2) consider using items that might capture differences in quality of interaction rather than or in addition to time, and (3) reconsider questions regarding amount of time
students spend in various manners in light of (1) and (2).
2.2. Language logs
Regarding timing of the LCP, Magnan and Back (2007) note, “Given that the LCP [is] a self-recall done at one time at the end
of the program, the data might not reflect reality as much as a continuous logging of activity throughout the program would”
(p. 56). Garcia-Amaya (in this issue) expresses similar concerns. To capture language use over an extended period of time and
have learners reflect more immediately following language use or contact, researchers have utilized language logs instead
(e.g., Martinsen, 2010; Ranta & Meckelborg, 2013). Learners are asked to log amount of time spent in various activities on a
daily basis.
An early example of language logs in SA literature is found in the Russian studies by Brecht and his colleagues (Brecht,
Davidson, & Ginsberg, 1993, 1995; Brecht & Robinson, 1995; Ginsberg & Miller, 2000). Learners were asked to write what
they did in calendar diaries, who they were with, and what language they used during each block of time. While these data
were highly informative, the researchers report that the open-ended nature of the task allowed for a broad range of labeling
and therefore made it difficult to categorize and tally results. They found no significant relationships between their quantified
language log results and multiple measures of language gain during SA.
In another more recent language log study, Martinsen, Baker, Dewey, Bown, and Johnson (2010) had learners estimate
language use at the end of each day for one week at the mid-point of SA. Rather than writing in activities on a schedule,
learners estimated amount of time spent on twenty specified activities each day. Learners in service-learning SA reported
using the target language out of class more than learners in more traditional SA.
In a different approach to daily logs, Ranta and Meckelborg (2013) had participants complete a computerized form each
day consisting of a calendar and drop-down options students selected to indicate what they did, who they interacted with,
where they were, and what language they used during each 15-min period throughout the day. Students submitted logs for
seven days in a row once a month over a six-month period. The combination of using predetermined drop-down categories
and indicating activities for each 15-min time slot throughout the day is particularly noteworthy. Students reported engaging
in receptive L2 use much more than interactive. Furthermore, their reported L2 use as international students was largely for
academic purposes and they tended to report using their L1 as much as or more than the L2 for daily living, social interaction,
and recreational activities.
Variation in timing, length of reporting, and what and how learners record their interactions make it difficult to compare
language log studies. The relative immediacy of recall is an apparent benefit of this approach, but without more consistency,
control, and comparison it is difficult to determine the advantages of one approach over another or of language logs over a
one-time LCP.
2.3. Social network surveys
One weakness of the LCP and other measures is that they often conflate two variables: how much the L2 is used and the
interlocutors with whom SA participants interact. The focus of the LCP is clearly the amount of L2 use. Questions ask, “How
much time did you spend speaking in Spanish [the L2] outside of class,” attaching a purpose such as “to obtain directions” or
“to clarify classroom-related work.” The LCP also elaborates by adding possible interlocutors: “with classmates,” “with a host
family, Spanish roommate, or other Spanish speakers in the dormitory,” etc. (Freed, Dewey, et al., 2004, p. 354). This list of
interlocutors can be helpful for getting learners to think about amount of L2 use with others, but SLA can be influenced by
more than time alone (Long, 1996; Ortega, 2009). The closeness and nature of learners’ relationships can also affect SLA as
they contribute not only to L2 use but also to motivation to acquire the language, attitudes toward the host culture, and other
€ rnyei, 2003; Isabelli-Garcia, 2006; Milroy, 1987).
variables that can affect SLA (Do
Several SLA researchers have drawn on social network theorydtheory regularly informing fields outside of SLA ranging
from mental and physical health (Nicolas, DaSilva, & Donnelly, 2011; Valente, 2010) to career development (Granovetter,
1973; Seibert, Kraimer, & Liden, 2001). Regarding SLA research, Mercer (2015) states, Social network theory can help us to
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D.P. Dewey / System 71 (2017) 49e59
understand the social interactions of individuals and groups. For example, it can cast light on individuals and their in- and
out-of-class language use, their contact with users of the target language and their “social capital” in terms of language use
and learning opportunities. (p. 79).
Social networks can determine the types of information, language, and culture a person is exposed to (Xu, Wang, & Wei,
2008), and the notion of social capital involves investment in informal networks or civic organizations (Putnam, 1995, 2001).
Investment is a key contributor to SLA (Norton, 2013; Norton Pierce, 1995). When learners invest more in their SA experience,
they become part of communities that provide rich linguistic input, meet immediate needs, and engage learners in cultural
exchanges. When learners develop social networks, they benefit from more than simply increased time of exposure to the L2.
Two research groups have quantitatively examined connections between social networks and SLA during SA: my own
research group (Baker-Smemoe, Dewey, Bown, & Martinsen, 2014; Baker-Smemoe et al., 2012; Dewey, Belnap, & Hillstrom,
2013; Dewey et al., 2014) and the Southampton Language and Social Networks Abroad Project (LANGSNAP) group (McManus,
Mitchell, & Tracy-Ventura, 2014; Mitchell, 2015; Mitchell, Tracy-Ventura, & McManus, 2015, 2017). My group has utilized a
survey based on (1) the General Social Survey (Burt, 1985), a key instrument used in social network research, and (2) the
al Index of Linguistic Integration (Segalowitz & Ryder, 2006). The General Social Survey was created to gather inMontre
formation on the social landscape of the United States. It includes questions asking people through interviews (rather than
paper or online surveys) to name the people they interact with and to elaborate on the nature of their relationships with
them. This is done not to gather names but rather to get people to be more careful and specific in describing the quantity and
types of social relationships they have. Segalowitz and Ryder (2006) built on the General Social Survey and sought to measure
who people use their first and second languages with in bilingual communities. Our own survey, the Study Abroad Social
Interaction Questionnaire (SASIQ), asks learners to list the people they interact with most during study abroad, rate the
closeness of relationships with them, describe how they met them, etc.
My group found connections between social networks, language use, and L2 gains during SA in several studies using the
SASIQ. In one study of over 100 SA participants in Mexico, Spain, France, Egypt, Russia, or China (Baker-Smemoe et al., 2014),
learners who made significant gains in spoken proficiency during SA reported belonging to more social groups and having
stronger social relationships with their native speaker friends than those who made no significant gains. Similarly, in a study
of over 200 learners in Japan (Dewey et al., 2012), dispersion (number of social groups a person is connected with) was a good
predictor of perceived gains in proficiency over SA. In Arabic, SA learners reporting closer relationships with Arab friends
made greater gains in Arabic proficiency (Dewey, Belnap, et al., 2013). These studies illustrate that it might be not just number
of hours of language use but also number and types of relationships that influence language development during SA. In
addition to quantifying relationship information, the SASIQ provides qualitative information on how learners develop
friendships and what types of people they befriend (Dewey, Ring, Gardner, & Belnap, 2013; Ring, Gardner, & Dewey, 2013),
helping us to test concepts such as Coleman's concentric circles model (Coleman, 2013), which categorizes relationships SA
learners make and their transformation over SA.
LANGSNAP involved European ERASMUS Project students on SA to French- or Spanish-speaking countries between 2011
and 2013 (Mitchell, Tracy-Ventura, & McManus, 2017; http://langsnap.soton.ac.uk/). LANGSNAP utilized a Social Networks
Questionnaire (SNQ) and a Language Engagement Questionnaire, the former resembling the SASIQ and the latter the LCP. Both
were given three times over SA. The SNQ asks learners to list people they regularly interact with in each of five contexts and
tell how often they interact with each individual, what language(s) they interact in, what their relationships are, and how they
first met. SNQ results were significant predictors of gains in fluency during SA, but not of proficiency, accuracy, or lexical
complexity (McManus, Tracy-Ventura, & Mitchell, 2016). Furthermore, learners tended to develop extensive friendships in
the L2 (French) early on and then those numbers dropped over time. The number of L2 English-speaking friends these SA
participants reported interacting with decreased over time as well (McManus et al., 2014).
Both the LANGSNAP work and my group's research indicate significant correlations between social relationships and
language gains during SA. They also highlight patterns of making and developing friendships with locals. There are other
studies examining connections between social networks and L2 development, but the studies by these two groups are larger
than most and represent what can be done to measure social networks in order to assess connections between social networks and language gains.
3. Recent innovation in measuring L2 social interaction
One of the strengths of self-reports is that they allow quantification valuable for identifying trends across the data and
statistical relationships between social interaction, L2 use, and SLA abroad. This strength can also be a limitation, since selfreports tell us little about the nature of an individual's experience. Coleman (2013) and Kinginger (2009) emphasize the need
to go beyond generalization and better understand the diversity of individual SA: “Individual trajectories are in fact the
essence of recent SA research, in which the focus has shifted from quantitative to qualitative, from product to process, from a
search for generalizability to a recognition of complexity and variation” (Coleman, 2013, p. 25). Several recent innovations
allow for the tabulation of information about interlocutors and language use and provide rich qualitative information about
individuals' experiences using social media, photo journaling, and mobile phone technologies, exemplifying mixed methods
and their benefits to SA researchers.
The limitations of quantitative methods described previously are clear, but traditional qualitative methods such as interviews and journaling have limitations as well. Back (2013) points out that traditional qualitative methods such as
D.P. Dewey / System 71 (2017) 49e59
55
ethnographies, journaling, and interviews can suffer from recall bias and contrived experiences and can fatigue and demand
much of both researchers and participants. Back advocates other more natural ways of gathering information on individuals'
experiences abroad, reporting specifically on an analysis of the use of social media by SA participants. Language use and social
interaction in Back's social media study occurred in authentic ways not contrived or manipulated by researchers but instead
naturally produced by the learners as they interacted with others at home and in the SA country in the L1 and L2 as a natural
part of their stay abroad. Social media posts and relationships were quantifiable, written out in situ by the learners and their
interlocutors and available for various mixed methods analyses.
3.1. Social media to understand social networks
Research has shown that Internet and social media use can be both beneficial and detrimental for SLA during SA. Mitchell
(2012) found that learners took opportunities to produce the L2 regularly on social media in authentic situations while
abroad, helping them practice patterns in appropriate and genuine ways. On the other hand, Magnan and Lafford (2012) and
Dewey (2008) note that learners who used social media to stay in regular contact with home, interacting mainly in their L1,
tended to suffer in terms of linguistic development.
Taking advantage of learners’ tendencies to connect with both new and old friends through Facebook, Back (2013)
analyzed the Facebook interactions of three learners of Portuguese on SA in Brazil, aiming to document actual (as opposed
to self-reported) language use over ten months abroad and compare that with one-time LCP data. Back reports that LCP data
correspond in some ways to Facebook language use but not in others and that they “do not offer the level of detail that the
Facebook data offer regarding frequency of interactions over the entire observation period” (p. 385). Back reports increases in
L2 use overall over time and individual variation across learnersdone who had never been abroad reported homesickness
and used the L2 less on Facebook than others. A high L2 user on Facebook posted status updates in Portuguese despite having
a majority of nonreaders of Portuguese as friends. Back notes the power of Facebook to elucidate language use, social interactions, and responses to SAddata useful for a range of SA research, from acquisition of specific features of the L2 to
motivation and identity. The potential to conduct both quantitative and qualitative analyses of social media data is clear from
her study.
3.2. Photo elicitation as a tool for understanding social networks
Another tool that can contribute to the understanding of L2 interaction abroad is photo elicitation. In a mixed methods
study, Umino and Benson (2016) present both quantitative and qualitative results from analyses of social interaction over four
years of SA by a single learner in Japan to describe how he entered and engaged in communities of practice over time. They
draw on life history approaches that use photos taken by or including a participant to elicit information regarding his or her
life experiences. Their participant categorized 12,425 of his own photographs according to whether individuals appearing
were local natives, fellow international students, university support staff, or others. Photos were also categorized by whether
the activity captured was formally planned by the university or informally planned by those in the photo. Totals were then
used to quantitatively track development over time. The number of photos showing the participant alone decreased over
time, as did the number including fellow international students, largely following Coleman's concentric circle model
(Coleman, 2013), with association moving gradually from conationals to others (fellow international students) and then to
locals. The number of local Japanese grew gradually, moving from 3.59% in the first year to 40.75% in the last year. Qualitative
analysis based on the participant's photo-elicited recall describes him moving from being a peripheral participant in Japanese
social circles to being a full-fledged member. The Japanese in the pictures toward the end of the experience were highly
supportive of the participant's language and social development. This study demonstrates the power of photo elicitation as a
means of longitudinal analysis of social interaction over SA and as a source of data that can be both quantitatively and
qualitatively analyzed.
3.3. Mobile phones to understand social networks
The use of mobile phone technologies to better track learners' language use and social interactions while abroad also has
potential. Garcia-Amaya (in this issue) notes that his Daily Language Questionnaire (DLQ) was often taken by mobile phones
and other mobile devices, allowing timely completion. In my own unpublished pilot work aiming to take advantage of mobile
phone capabilities, we tracked social interaction and language use over a semester abroad by regularly contacting learners by
mobile phone to ask about their interactions with others. Using a combination of Short Message Service (SMS), browser-based
surveys, and telephone marketing software, we asked students to provide both selection and open-ended responses indicating how they had used their time in the most recent hour, whom they interacted with, what topics they discussed, etc. We
found that learners moved from interacting primarily with fellow international students and roommates in their L1 early in
their time abroad to spending significantly more time with locals speaking their L2. The number of native interlocutors
dropped off towards the end as participants reported spending their time on “the most fruitful relationships.” This research
also supports and has potential to shed additional light on Coleman's concentric circles model (2013), since learners moved
from conationals to locals over time. In addition to quantifying time use and interlocutor information, we were able to
56
D.P. Dewey / System 71 (2017) 49e59
understand the nature of learners' interactions, interlocutors, and L2 use. Correlational analyses were not conducted since this
pilot study involved only nine students.
3.4. Computational tools to measure and diagram social networks
A 2015 small-scale (seven-participant) study by Gautier and Chevrot involved data collection through language logs and
diaries and a social network questionnaire. Taking a unique approach to their data analysis, the authors expanded on work by
Isabelli-Garcia (2006) that depicted the social networks of learners abroad graphically. They analyzed networks “using Ucinet
software, and the social network graphs were created using Netdraw software (Borgatti, Everett, & Freeman, 1999), accessible
at http://www.analytictech.com/ucinet/ (p. 174). This approach to quantifying and graphically depicting social networks is
common in social network research in the social sciences and is spreading to a variety of fields (Moreno & Fox, 1987; Moreno,
1946; Scott, 2012; Wasserman & Galaskiewicz, 1994; Wassermann & Faust, 1994). Gautier and Chevrot (2015) focused on the
density of networks, defining it as “the proportion of pairs of network members whom the respondents indicated were likely
to have contact with each other” (p. 174). They found that “learners with dense connections with L1 speakers tend to increase
or maintain a high usage rate of formal variants of sociolinguistic variables, while those with a loosely connected social
network that contains L2 speakers tend to decrease their usage of formal variants “ (p. 180). Their study shows how methods
of analyzing and describing networks from the social sciences can inform SLA.
4. Conclusion
Understanding how learners use language and interact with others while abroad is a challenge that has involved a broad
range of measurement techniques. The LCP, an early tool used in this effort, is a practical and quick means of gathering data
that has been extensively used in a range of variations, yielding mixed results in terms of connections with SLA. A common
LCP findings is extensive reported use of the L1 during SA. Variations in LCP makeup and administration, along with differences in SA length, location, and program design make comparisons across studies difficult but also illustrate the potential
to focus on any given aspect of language use by selecting the most relevant items or creating other more focused items and
gaining learners' perspectives on their social language use. Language logs and social network surveys have gone beyond the
LCP and provided valuable additional insights into how learners report spending their time and who they spend that time
with while abroad. Asking learners about language use and social interaction at different stages of the SA experience and
more immediately following their L2 interactions rather than just at the end of SA has provided greater understanding.
Overall, these measurement methods show potential to elucidate the role of social interaction in SLA and to validate, elaborate on, or revise models of social interaction and SLA abroad, such as Coleman’s (2013) concentric circles model.
One recent method particularly valuable for documenting L2 interaction abroad is the use of technological developments.
Social media, individuals’ digital photo archives, and mobile phone technologies, for example, have great potential. Social
media leaves a record of who an individual interacts with and language samples that can be analyzed in detail (Back, 2013).
Digital photos can prompt recollection of events, people, and language use (Umino & Benson, 2016), and mobile phone
technologies allow us to access and query learners on-the-spot as they interact and are exposed to language during SA. These
tools have potential to increase accuracy of recall and reporting, yield data going beyond self-reports, and provide authentic
language samples produced in situ that allow for both quantitative and qualitative analyses.
Variation in language use and development over SA is a theme that consistently appears in the literature. Perhaps largely
due to this variation, there are differences in the makeup of questionnaires, language logs, social network surveys, and other
tools across nearly every study. Where the tools themselves do not vary, the timing and methods of administration often do.
As documented earlier, changes to the LCP are often described in vague terms and without illustrative examples. Furthermore,
in cases where language logs have been utilized, instructions and examples are not typically included in the reports. And
journal manuscript length limitations often prevent the inclusion of social network and other surveys with the written
research reports.
To develop a thorough understanding of SLA and interactive L2 use while abroad, comprehensive documentation and
transparency are necessary. I recommend that when variations of the LCP, DLQ, SASIQ, SNQ, or other instruments are used,
changes be clearly documented so others can replicate or accurately compare. The recent option to publish supplementary
material online with many academic journals makes it possible to include such revised versions. When these options are
unavailable, use of IRIS, a digital repository of instruments and materials for research into second languages (Marsden,
Mackey, & Plonsky, 2016), or publication via personal means (e.g., university websites or free web publication) is imperative. Openness and publication of resources and methods are key to understanding, comparing, and finding trends in SLA
during SA. Using current technologies allows for better data collection, analysis, and comparison and provides more open
access that facilitates progress in our understanding. While methodological diversity contributes positively to this understanding, full disclosure allows clearer insights.
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International Journal of Instruction
e-ISSN: 1308-1470 ● www.e-iji.net
April 2018 ● Vol.11, No.2
p-ISSN: 1694-609X
pp. 585-602
Received: 08/02/2018
Revision: 28/02/2018
Accepted: 02/03/2018
The Reflection of Immigration on School Culture: A Qualitative Study
A. Selcen Arslangilay
Dr., Gazi University, Gazi Faculty of Education, Turkey, aslihanselcen@yahoo.com
Each organization has its own system of values, beliefs and attitudes that are valid
for the schools and it accompanies the concept of school culture, one of the
important factors determining the success of a school. Immigration is a
phenomenon that leads to great influences in every society. The purpose of this
study is to determine what reflections; the Syrian asylum seekers have on school
culture in a primary school, which is also used as a Temporary Training Center
(TTC) in the capital city of Turkey, Ankara. 12 participants, including 5 teachers,
5 Turkish parents and 2 administrators, participated in the research, which was
designed in case study design and in which qualitative data collection and analysis
methods were used. The data obtained via the semi-structured interview forms
prepared by the researcher were analyzed with descriptive analysis technique.
According to the results of the research; after the Syrians came, there were some
changes in the school culture. However, since such a massive migration is a very
new experience, and school managers are sensitive to this issue and demonstrate
democratic leadership features, there have been no major issues in the school. It is
thought that the problems will gradually decrease, as experience about immigration
increases.
Keywords: school culture, migration, Syrian students, organization culture, temporary
training centers
INTRODUCTION
There is a long history of the concept "culture", which has been started to be used to
understand the behavior of human groups. The concept was first used by anthropologists
to understand the difference between societies, tribes, national or ethnic groups, and
later by social scientists who desired to understand the behavior patterns in business life.
In official organizations, everything that affects the opinions, activities and behaviors of
the members of the organization, and therefore their performance, is tried to be
explained by the concept of culture (Deal & Peterson, 2009). Culture can also be
thought of as a "collective agreement" that distinguishes all organizations from one
another and indicates how they should be treated and what attitudes they should exhibit
(Cemaloğlu, 2017). It is not so new that schools, as organizations, have a culture of their
own. For the first time in 1932, the American sociologist Willard Waller suggested the
Citation: Arslangilay, A. S. (2018). The Reflection of Immigration on School Culture: A Qualitative
Study. International Journal of Instruction, 11(2), 585-602. https://doi.org/10.12973/iji.2018.11240a
586
The Reflection of Immigration on School Culture: A Qualitative …
following ideas that are still valid today: Schools also have their own traditions,
ceremonies and rules. All these lead to school relationships and behavior (Deal &
Peterson, 2009). In fact, all organizations, including schools, can perform better when
they have a system of common values, traditions and rules. It is anticipated that schools,
which do not have these features, will not succeed. With the common endeavor of all the
participants in the school, the responsibility of learning and teaching, and all these being
supported by cultural values, schools will escape the danger of being a learning factory
that does not have a soul. Creating a positive and strong school culture can only be
achieved with formal or informal leaders who work at school and care about culture and
values (Peterson & Deal, 2009).
Components forming organizational culture can be listed as; language, common values
and beliefs, ceremonial events and ceremonies, symbols, stories, legends, important
events and persons, and physical environments (Aslan, Özer & Bakır, 2009; Cemaloğlu,
2017; Peterson and Deal, 2009; Sezgin & Sönmez, 2017; Yavuz, 2016). The culture that
schools possess forms their identities and separates them from others (Yavuz, 2016).
Moreover, Cemaloğlu (2017) states that organizations are influenced by external
environment as they exhibit open system characteristics and they also affect the external
environment. When considered from this point of view, immigration, one of the most
important phenomenon of human history has a significant influence on Turkey
especially in the last few years and it is important to investigate what is its effect on
school culture which exhibits open system characteristics.
According to the International Organization for Migration (IOM) (2011, p. 62),
regardless of purpose, duration and type, all population movements that people or
groups of people carry out within a country or by moving to an international border can
be considered as "migration". These include population movements, economic migrants,
displaced persons for a reason such as war, and relocations for different purposes such
as family reunification. Therefore, in this study, the word "migration", which refers to
the displacement of Syrian asylum seekers, was used.
The "immigration" phenomenon, which has always influenced humanity, has also
affected our country throughout its history. When migratory movements before and after
the Republic were examined, more than 2.5 million people have come to our country
since 1922, apart from the foreigners who came to our country to work and study
(İçişleri Bakanlığı Göç İdaresi Genel Müdürlüğü [GİGM], 2015).
On April 29, 2011, 252 Syrian citizens entered our country through the Cilvegözü
border gate with "open door” policy practice of our country (GİGM, 2015; Coşkun &
Emin, 2016). Now approximately 3 million Syrian citizens are being hosted in our
country (AFAD, 2014). Approximately 260.000 of the Syrian citizens who were
admitted and given temporary protection status (Seydi, 2014) live in temporary shelter
centers established by AFAD in 10 provinces, while others live outside the settlement
centers in many different cities. The important point is that almost half of the 3 million
Syrian citizens are from the 0-18 age group. It is therefore seen that the number of
Syrians who will start school and who are in the school age is in a serious proportion
(Coşkun & Emin, 2016).
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One of the most important problems in the countries receiving immigration is the
problem of the ones coming to the country to adapt and integrate with that country. The
most important thing for this is to learn the language of the hosted country. This can
only be achieved through education and it is the most important factor in carrying out
the education in a healthy way. While learning the language of the arrival country, it is
also important not to forget the mother tongue and continue to be educated with it,
which will also help people to adapt in their homeland when they return. Therefore, both
the mother tongue and the language of the hosted country should be taught and learnt
coordinately.
In addition to the asylum seekers at the borders, the presence of a large number of
Syrian citizens in large cities such as Istanbul and Ankara has led to many influences,
especially in economic, cultural and social aspects. One of these effects, when the ages
of the migrating community is taken into account, is the impact on the school system.
The fact that the war in Syria has been going on for a long time and not a solution has
been reached, indicates that the Syrian guests who are thought to reside short-term will
be long term and that this community, which includes a very large young population,
will not return to their countries in the short term. Therefore, our country, assuming that
our guests would only be short term residents, decided to take temporary measures not
to further exclude their children from education. For this purpose, first in 2012, Syrian
volunteer teachers started to give Arabic education at the primary and secondary level
through Syria’s own curriculum at Temporary Training Centers (TTC), to only those
living in the camps who were supposed to return to their countries in a short time. With
the ongoing war and the increasing migration wave, in 2013 the Ministry of National
Education focused on the policy of providing education also for children outside the
camps. Under the "Foreigners and International Protection Law” numbered 6458 issued
in 2014, The Temporary Protection Regulation, which entered into force in October
2014, provided access to education, health and welfare services for Syrians living in
camps and outside the camp. With the circular titled "Educational Services for
Foreigners" dated 23 September 2014 and numbered 2014/21, which guarantees
education to be provided to the Syrian children, Syrian children were granted the right
for legal registration with foreign recognition documents at schools affiliated to the
Ministry of National Education. Still, education services continue to be offered TTC’s
inside and outside the camp and private schools opened by Syrians (MEB, 2014;
ÇOÇA, 2015; Emin, 2016; Coşkun & Emin, 2016).
When taken into account that organizational culture does not have a fixed structure and
can also change over time, and has renewable qualities (Cemaloglu, 2017) it is thought
that immigration, which is a process that affects humanity in various ways, also
influences the school culture. In this aspect, this research was conducted to examine
whether the presence of these students in our country make any change or influence on
the cultures of the schools.
When the literature is examined, studies on opinions of the teachers and administrators
about the school culture (Aslan, Özer & Bakır, 2009; Güven, 2015; Paker, 2014;
Sabancı, Şahin, Sönmez & Yılmaz, 2017; Şahin-Fırat, 2010), factors affecting school
culture (Demirtaş & Ekmekyapar, 2012; Şahin, 2010) and metaphorical perceptions of
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The Reflection of Immigration on School Culture: A Qualitative …
teachers and students about school culture (Özan & Demir, 2011) are seen. Sakız (2016)
conducted a survey with administrators in schools with high immigration in the
Southeastern Anatolia Region, which aimed to reveal the attitudes, views and beliefs of
them regarding the inclusion of immigrant students in schools. Again, Özdemir (2016)
evaluated the influence of foreign students the majority of whom were Afghans
attending schools in Sivas on the school climate with the opinions of teachers,
administrators and Turkish and foreign students. However, there is no research that
specifically examines the reflection of the Syrian immigration on school culture. From
this point, the aim of this work is to see if there is any change in pre-migration and postmigration school culture in a school exposed to intense Syrian migration in the province
of Ankara, with the largest number of Syrian students, serving as a TTC, from the views
of administrators, teachers and parents.
To this aim, detailed answers to the questions below were sought:
According to the views of the administrators, teachers and parents who participated in
the interview, with the attendance of the Syrian students to the school; has there been a
change in the,
• language spoken at school
• values and beliefs
• school rules
• symbols
• ceremonies
• the specific story of the school
• school's former recognition from the environment and its current recognition?
• if yes, what are the changes and how are they experienced?
The research questions also aimed to reveal the opinions of teachers, parents and
administrators about the Syrian students and the problems they have experienced with
them.
METHOD
The Model of the Study
In the research, aimed at assessing the reflection of migration on school culture, based
on the views of administrators, teacher and parents, qualitative data collection and
analysis techniques were used. In this case study designed study, interview, one of the
main data collection tool of qualitative research design was used.
The interview provides the possibility to investigate every aspect with flexibility and
gives the possibility to examine it by using probes when necessary. In addition, the
interviews are among the basic data collection tools used in studies related to
"organizational culture", which is also the main topic of this research (Yıldırım &
Şimşek, 2016).
Study Group
The participants of this study are administrators, teachers and Turkish parents in a
primary school, in which the highest number of Syrian students are educated in Ankara
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Arslangilay
after the border cities, and serves as a TTC. The volunteered administrators, teachers
and parents who could provide the data needed for the research, were chosen by
purpose. In the study using the maximum diversity sample from the purposeful sampling
methods, it was aimed to provide the maximum diversity of the persons who could be
the subject of the investigated problem and therefore to be able to reveal the different
dimensions of the problem in these varying situations (Yıldırım & Şimşek, 2016, p.
119).
Volunteered teachers who were thought to have lived the influence of migration on the
school culture as they worked in pre- and post-migration periods, which could help them
to compare the situation before and after the Syrians arrived, were especially
interviewed. Teachers who have been working for a longer period and those who have
just started their careers were especially chosen. Likewise, parents who have children
who went to the school before the Syrian students came and parents whose children
attend and do not attend the same class with Syrian students were purposely chosen. It
was also taken into account that both administrators interviewed had worked at the
school before and after the migration. Semi-structured face-to-face interviews with 2
administrators, 5 teachers and 5 parents who volunteered to participate in the study were
done by the researcher.
Data Collection Tool, Collection and Analysis of Data
The data collection tool of the research consisted of semi-structured interview forms
developed by the researcher. The interview forms were developed in accordance with
the purpose of the research, by literature review and taking expert opinions. To
determine the validity and reliability of the interview forms after the pilot study, the
modified interview forms were presented again to expert opinions and finalized by the
Turkish language expert in terms of language accuracy. After the necessary permissions
were obtained for the interviews, the interviews were made by the researcher herself.
The interviews with the teachers lasted for 10-15 minutes, with the parents about 10
minutes and with the school administrators 20-25 minutes.
To prevent data loss, interviews were conducted using voice recorders by receiving
permission from interviewed participants. All participants were assured that the
interviews would only be used in this study and that the records could be deleted once
the research is completed if they wished. Interviews conducted during the last week of
the academic year at a time when students no longer came to school, was done in empty
classrooms where they were away from external factors such as noise. For the analysis
of the data obtained from the interviews, the voice recordings made during the
interviews were transcripted and the obtained data were analyzed by descriptive analysis
method. The first step of the descriptive analysis procedure was creating a framework
from the research questions to summarize and interpret the data according to the themes.
After eliminating the useless data and organizing the data according to the formed
framework, all data were organized with the direct quotations to support them and were
presented to two experts’ views. All these were represented under the findings title
(Yıldırım & Şimşek, 2016, p. 239-240). In the findings and interpretations section, in
order to determine which quotation belongs to which participant, codes have been given
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The Reflection of Immigration on School Culture: A Qualitative …
to the participants. For example, T1 refers to the first teacher interviewed, P3 refers to
the third parent, and A1 refers to the first administrator interviewed.
FINDINGS
In this section, answers given by teachers, administrators and parents to the questions
directed to them were analyzed and presented in terms of research purposes.
1. Views regarding whether there is a change in the language used in the school
The school, which also serves as a TTC, has bilateral education, and after the Turkish
students are educated until the afternoon, the Syrian students are taking Arabic
education through the Syrian curriculum. Therefore, there are Turkish students in the
morning and Arab students in the afternoon at school. Only a few Syrian students in the
first grade are educated with other Turkish students but next year all students would be
integrated into Turkish classes until the 4th grade of elementary school, and full-time
education at the school is on the agenda.
Since there are very few Syrian students who attend the first class together with Turkish
students in the morning, teachers working in morning time and the parents have not
noticed any changes in the language spoken at the school. They explained the reason as
that they come in the morning and that they are not at school at the time when the whole
Syrians come to school.
One of the teachers who stated that there was no change in the school’s spoken language
expressed the problem that they lived in language only during breaks when they are on
duty:
“…When we are on duty, Syrian students do not understand what we say, for example they
fight a lot. They do not understand what we say, or we don’t understand what they say, but
we had no big problems. Because there are students who learn Turkish among the Syrians
and out of our staff who are Syrians who are solving it easier. We also learnt ‘Yallah’ so that
they enter the class. They understand it. I guess it means ‘go’, we learnt it this year…” (T4)
All of the interviewed teachers stated that there was no change in the language of the
school because of working in the morning and because very few Syrian students were
involved in morning groups.
Unlike the Turkish teachers who work only in the morning group, one of the
administrators, who is in the school all day long, stated the change they observed at
school and on the spoken language was as follows:
“… Before, there was only a Turkish noise, now there is noise in Arabic, and this doubles,
triples the intensity because; you do not understand their language… There is a decibel
increase… I do not know if it is related to the spices they eat or with the genes, what we call
volume is very high, they are also too many in numbers, there are 1101 students in the
afternoon… For example, they do not climb the stairs without speaking… They have not yet
started to speak Turkish, they still speak Arabic among themselves and you feel this very
intensely… Everywhere, anytime Arabic ... You can even forget that you are in a Turkish
neighborhood ... " (A2).
Emphasizing that the district where the school is located has also been exposed to the
Syrian migrants in a very intense way, the administrator also explained the difficulties
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she had experienced at the time of registration as she did not know Arabic and the
Syrian parents did not know Turkish.
The parents who stated that there was no change in the language spoken at school also
referred to this that their children are in the morning groups and they did not encounter
with the Syrian children who came to school at afternoons. In addition, they stated,
even if there are Syrian students in their class, their numbers are very few and as they
start to learn Turkish gradually, there is no change in the language of the school.
2. Views regarding whether there were changes in values and beliefs of the school
Teachers who stated that there were some changes in the values and beliefs that existed
in the school after the Syrian students came stated that they were more concerned with
following the rules of cleaning, respecting the environment and respecting the
belongings of others and presented examples from their experiences:
“... They were opening our closets; belongings from our closets were getting lost. As a
school, we made padlocks as you see, as a solution. When you left anything, it disappeared.
In addition, when we arrived in the morning we found the class very dirty. Breads on the
ground… leftovers … They also had a different spice that they ate, that smelled bad and we
felt very uncomfortable with it. In the early days, the parents felt a discomfort. They used to
come in before the morning students and disinfect the setting. Then we got used to ...” (T1).
“... I always hear from the parents that they are not like us in a cultural sense... Cleanliness,
etiquette, I know we are very different in these sort of things… They leave breadcrumbs, when
my students arrive they are disgusted ... Pretzels, breadcrumbs, strange foods I do not know
on my computer table… Everyone knows nothing is put on a teacher’s table; my students do
not even come close to my table ... So I take them with a napkin, after that the kids say ‘do not
take it teacher, do not throw it away, should we put it in front of the window? It is a sin to
throw away food especially bread it in the trash’, this time a confusion in the minds of the
children begins ...” (T5)
The parents like the teachers, emphasized that they had problems with the cleaning rules
especially with the Syrian students who were using the same classes in the afternoon in
the school, which had two shifts.
A parent, who is working as a school attendant and whose child had finished the 4th
grade, explained according what she has witnessed that some of the values that Syrian
children have are different from those of Turkish children:
“... The first 2 years were very nice, our class had belonged to us, because now they are
using it afternoon… In terms of cleanliness, the food they eat is very different, they have
different cultures … The bread is being thrown into the trash into the toilet, we collect wraps
from the toilets, Turkish children do not do that…” (P2)
Again, the same parent expressed the change she saw in her child studying with the
Syrians as follows:
“… My daughter is a gentle, intelligent child; Syrians did not come to their classes. I did not
see anything from her, but my son is in the same class with the Syrians… My daughter says
‘let’s play housekeeping’; he says ‘what shall we do with housekeeping!’ He is jumping on
her back, hitting her… when he used to attend the nursery school he would play with
notebooks pencils, with his cars… but now when he thinks about play; blood and thunder…
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The Reflection of Immigration on School Culture: A Qualitative …
There are 6 Syrians in his class, thank God they are submissive but my son sees the others
during the break…” (P2)
A parent whose first child has already graduated from this school and the second child is
studying with Syrian children, who is also a class mother explained that there are
changes in some values:
“… At least, we are in disorder now, they do everything with noisy fighting as they have just
came out of war, they do not speak Turkish, they cannot communicate with children ... They
take our pens without permission, they tear our books ... We decorate the door, we cannot
find that door the next day… I am a class mother, I want 15TL copying and cleaning fee, the
Syrian parents say that it is forbidden by religion and don’t pay…” (P5).
Another parent stated taking into account Syrian students do not wear school uniform,
that: “Turkish students say ‘they do not wear it, why do I wear it’, no more respect do the
Turkish students have towards school uniform (P3)”, so Turkish students had some kind
of a change towards this value.
The administrators stated that they had negotiated with the parents and the teachers
about their dissatisfaction with the different cultural habits of the Syrians and they no
more have problems like this anymore.
3. Views regarding whether there is a change in school rules
In the interviews, the teachers and administrators were asked whether there was a
change in the school rules after the Syrians came and whether the rules applied to the
Turkish students were also applied to the Syrian students. A probe question, whether
there was a relaxation in the rules and if, in which rules were added.
Teachers stated that as Syrian students were generally in the afternoon group and that
the few Syrian students in the morning group were generally integrated into the school
so they have not experienced problems during entry and exit. However although they
were no Syrian students in their class, they stated that they experienced some difficulties
in applying the school rules due to the "language problem’’ during duty time.
A teacher described her views in the following way:
"... Sometimes we have difficulties during our duty time, because we cannot communicate
with them and they have problems to understand us. We have Syrian officials, for example,
they are helping us to get them in, during our duty... I mean they are a bit combative, but
because they came out of a war environment… Many of them have a bad temper as they have
already lost their mother or father or a close friend during the war. So they are not like our
Turkish children, but more combative…” (T1).
Teachers who are aware of the psychology of the children that came to our country to
save their war-torn lives relate these to the difficulties children have with the rules.
Again, one of the teachers mentioned a situation, which concerned the morning group
but did not interfere with the school rules as follows:
“…We have not experienced a problem in general. However, colleagues who work in the
class with Syrian students have suffered very much because they cannot reach them in the
sense of language, so in teaching. Syrian children had behavior problems; more combative,
more prone to violence than our Turkish students. Otherwise, the school did not have any
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Arslangilay
problems in terms of general arrangement; maybe because I did not have any Syrian
students, I didn’t witness such a problem. However, as I said, my colleagues who have Syrian
students in their classes were telling me they had problems. For example, they did not learn,
they learned too late, they made it difficult. The biggest problem was behavioral; most of
them were children who do not listen to the rules because they tend to violence. In that sense,
the course teacher has suffered. Otherwise, there was no disorder in the school system.”(T2)
Teachers stated that if the school rules are going to be relaxed, it could be about the
cultural habits of Syrians, and in terms of eating and clothing. Another teacher explained
that school rules are difficult for Syrian students to apply and that their own
arrangements have changed because they do not want to be assimilated:
"... In general clothing or nutrition. Their eating habits are very different. However, we have
a regular diet; our students bring their breakfast from home. Syrians do not fit in nutrition,
this cannot be changed ...” (T4)
Since the school also functions as a TTC, in the afternoons not only students but also
Syrian volunteer teachers are present in the school. When asked about the school rules,
Turkish teachers assessed the problems they had with the Syrian teachers in the context
of the school rules and explained the problems they experienced at the beginning:
“... In the first year, we were coming across with Syrian teachers. Our shift end overlapped
with their shift start time. Sometimes they were early at work because they had things to do,
but we have not come across since two years ... They used our glasses at that time, it is
nothing nice. It was very disgusting to pick up a glass of anybody, drink water with it, just
rinse and put it back. Therefore, we threw away our glasses, as they did not pay attention to
cleanliness ... Or, for example, you are sitting in the teachers' room or copying in the
photocopy room, they are starting to pray on their prayer rug. Now the floor is not clean, or
their clothes are not clean. There is a prayer room in the school; there is a place where they
can pray. Of course, s/he will surely fulfill her/his belief. There are also people among us
praying, but we pray in the prayer room. Nevertheless, it is not nice to have a Syrian male
teacher pray in front of me while I am photocopying there. There were such things… Toilets,
for example. We did not want to use the toilet because they did not pay attention to
cleanliness. Then not to make any discrimination, we used them anyway. Even if we resisted
it, we got used to it…” (T2)
The parents said that Syrian children did not cause any changes in the school rules, but
the parent who also worked at the school emphasized the changing situation of the
school at the afternoons like this: “In the mornings we do not have any trouble at school,
after lunch, a very messy place. I get tired both physically and mentally…’’ (P2)
Since the administrators are together with the Syrian students who are educated in the
afternoons at school, they have to manage a very large number of students who do not
speak Turkish and the age range of whom is very large, as opposed to the morning shift
teachers and whose age gap is very big.
One of the administrators stated:
"... There are two types of Syrians, those who take co- education with our students, we apply
the rules to them, but the second, the so-called TTC students, we cannot apply many of the
rules we apply to our Turkish children there. For example, girls and boys are doing separate
education; we do not have anything like that. We even separated the girls’ and boys’ schools
... They are applying the curriculum of the Syrian government ...” (A1).
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The Reflection of Immigration on School Culture: A Qualitative …
The other administrator explained the problems they encountered in applying the rules
to the Syrian students who are educated in the afternoons:
“…Our cultures are incredibly different; also we are different from them in education and
everything. We apply the rules to tho...
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