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DISCUSSION QUESTIONS
/
1. What types of behaviors were most frequently experienced by female police officers?
2. Discuss the similarities and differences between gender harassment, unwanted sexual attention, and quid pro quo harassment.
3. What are the different outcomes that female officers experienced when they reported sexual harassment by a fellow officer?
aft
READING 24
LE
Pri
Like policing, women in corrections have been the minority within an occupation dominated by men. While the number of
women in corrections has increased significantly in lower ranks, there continues to be few women in the upper ranks. What
factors impact their success in moving up the chain of command? This article uses qualitative research methods to assess
the factors that female correctional officers perceive have limited their opportunities to promote to upper level positions.
Promotional Opportunities
How Women in Corrections Perceive Their
Chances for Advancement at Work
Cassandra Matthews, Elizabeth Monk-Turner, and Melvina Sumter
W
omen are in a distinct minority among cor-
rectional officers, especially at more
advanced ranks; however, Lambert et al. [22]
projected that women would soon comprise (sic) half of
the correctional workforce. In 2005, male correctional
officers outnumbered women by a ratio of 2:1 (30).
SOURCE: Matthews, C., Monk-Turner, E., & Sumter, M. (2010). Promotional opportunities: How women in corrections perceive their chances for
advancement at work. Gender Issues, 27, 53-66.
Reading 24 Promotional Opportunities
A: Thus, the primary focus of this work is to better under-
stand, from the perspective of a few female correctional
afficers, how they understand and feel about opportunities
detailed information from a few respondents, this work
for advancement at work. Clearly, by opting to gather
drawn. Therefore, it is important for the reader to keep in
rests on a convenience sample that was not randomly
mind that the experiences of these women cannot be gener-
Nevertheless, the richness and complexities of experiences
alized to the population of all female correctional officers.
these women have related help us all better understand
issues related to women's advancement in corrections.
501
requirement necessary for a promotion such as additional
training to gain more experience or more education. When
the ten participants that had been promoted were asked if
they expected additional promotions, one did not give an
answer, while four said "yes," three said that they were
"unsure" and two said "no" because both were retired.
When asked if there had ever been any person that
they felt deserved a promotion but did not receive one
while working in the correctional setting, thirteen of the
participants said "yes.” Most respondents felt that deserv-
ing individuals had not been promoted primarily because
the
process was political and that, for women, the odds of
being promoted were simply against them because of their
gender. For example, Jennifer said, "It does help to know
the right people." Lucy and Marcia said that promotions
can be “political;" specifically, Lucy said that "as I changed
positions, it seemed to get more political." Likewise,
Marcia stated, "It seems whenever a new opportunity
comes available, you have to play the game, it's all politics."
Findings
of the fourteen women interviewed, the median age was 46
with a range of 34-65 years old. Equal numbers (6 each) of
respondents identified their racial background as white
and African-American/black. One respondent identified as
Asian and another in the other race category. One respon-
dent reported being single, another was single but in a
monogamous relationship, seven were married, another
was separated, and four were divorced. The vast majority
(12) of participants had children. The age of these women's
children ranged from seven to thirty-seven, with the aver-
age age being 24. All but one participant had received their
bachelor's degree; the participant who had not received her
bachelor's degree will be graduating later this year.
When asked about their experience with the
Department of Corrections, all fourteen work or have
worked within the state department. Two women work or
have worked in the federal system, and one of the fourteen
works or has worked in the local government. Ten women
work or have worked in the institutional section of correc-
tions, and another five work or have worked in the com-
munity corrections field.
The participant, Sarah, who said “no," had the following
answer, “I feel that everyone that gets a promotion deserves
it for one reason or another."
Most (12) respondents felt men had greater promo-
tional opportunities compared to women. Only two
women felt promotional opportunities were equal
between the genders. None of the respondents felt that
women have greater opportunities for promotions in the
correctional setting
Respondents felt men were promoted more than
women because they dominated supervisory and mana-
gerial positions. For example, Paige stated, "Men (receive
more promotions because), they're more dominant in
the field.” In agreement, Marcia stated, “I would say
males because they outnumber the number of women in
corrections.” Others responded that men knew the right
people and that there is a "stigma that women cannot do
the job as well as a man.” For example, Sarah stated,
If I had to choose, I would say men. First, because
they do dominate the field and secondly, because
they usually have that seriousness to them and
can be more intimidating to others and a little
more forceful in getting a job done.
Promotional Experiences
Most (10) of the women in the sample had been promoted
at least once while employed in the correctional field. Of
the four participants that had not been promoted, each
said "yes" when asked if they foresaw promotional
opportunities in the future. When asked why they perceived
promotions in their future, most said that they had satisfied a
Jody agreed with the idea that men might be promoted
more because they were perceived as capable stating,
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SECTION XII WOMEN PROFESSIONALS: POLICE, CORRECTIONS, AND OFFENDER SERVICES
the majority of interactions while at work were with men.
For example, Jennifer stated that she worked
From my experience I've seen more men be
promoted than women but I don't think that
necessarily means that men have more chances
than women, I think they might fill the shoes a
little better.
“pretty much daily [with women), but we're
always out numbered by the men.” Another par-
ticipant, Lucy, said that she worked with women
“pretty frequently. But there was always more
interaction with men."
Most interactions with men at work were strictly pro-
fessional; however, some respondents were friendlier with
male officers because a friendship was formed outside of
work. For instance, Kelly (in a management position) stated,
They're [her interactions with men are almost
always kept professional but there are a few men
I work with that I became friends with outside of
work and those usually are more friendly.
Another interviewee, Paige (in a general position), said,
When asked if a promotion was important to them, all
of the participants said "yes." For example, Kelly explained,
"Yes (promotions are important), I want to keep climbing
the ladder and try to encourage others to do so." Charlotte
echoed similar sentiments when she said, “Yes, (promo-
tions are important), I like the money and responsibility
and I'd like more of both."
To better understand how the type of job held shaped
a woman's feeling about promotional opportunities,
responses were broken down into several broad categories.
Of the fourteen respondents, ten were in a higher position
of authority (positions ranged from director to assistant
director to assistant superintendent to manager to super-
visor). All of these women supervised others (manage-
ment positions). The other four women in our sample
were correctional officers (and one intake counselor) with
no supervisory responsibilities (general positions).
Within the “general position" group, all saw a promo-
tion in their future. Each said that in order to get this
promotion, more training or education was needed. Four
women in management positions were unsure about fur-
ther promotions (three were unsure, one did not answer,
and two were retired). Everyone except Natasha, who was
classified as being in a general position, reported that they
knew someone who desired a promotion but did not get it.
of the fourteen respondents, the two (Kelly and
Britney) who thought that men and women had equal
opportunities for advancement were both in general
position. The other twelve felt that men have a greater
chance of receiving a promotion. Again, the recurring
theme as to why men had greater opportunities for promo-
tion than women was that men simply outnumbered
women and that there is and always would be a stigma that
women cannot do the job as well as men.
There are some officers that intermingle outside
of work and become friends but while on duty
everyone stays professional for the most part. It
could be dangerous if we're not.
When interactions with men were compared to inter-
actions with other women in the correctional setting,
respondents reported being more comfortable and friend-
lier with other women workers. Angelina (in a manage-
ment position) put it this way,
They're [her interactions with women are) usu-
ally more friendly than with men for the most
part but we're still all there for a job so we try to
keep things professional.
And Paige stated,
I tend to be friendlier or just more comfortable
with women sometimes than men but it tends to
stay professional also.
Interactions With Others at Work
Respondents were asked about the amount of interaction
while at work with male co-workers. All of these women
worked with both men and women on a daily basis; however,
Women, in our sample, clearly felt in a minority, or
token, position in [the] workplace, consistently reporting a
sense that men were dominant in corrections.
500
SECTION XII WOMEN PROFESSIONALS: POLICE, CORRECTIONS, AND OFFENDER SERVICES
more likely an organization will have women in top
management positions. Goodman et al. (13) also found
that high turnover in management tended to increase the
likelihood that women would be in top management
positions. Further, women were more likely to be in top
management positions if organizational salaries were
lower than average (13). Notably, if an organization
emphasized promotion and development, then the
chances of having more females in management
increased (13)
Maume [23] found that women managers had fewer
promotional opportunities in female than male-domi-
nated job environments. Notably, women who worked
with men were more likely to be promoted than those who
worked mostly with other women. Maume's (23) work is
essentially at odds with Kanter's (19) reasoning that gen-
der promotional gaps should be widest in male-dominated
work environments. In sum, Maume (23) argued that
promotional opportunities came easier for white men than
others. Specifically, Maume (23) said one could think of "a
glass escalator' for white men, a glass ceiling for oth-
ers..." when conceptualizing promotional opportunities
by gender and race (483).
The glass ceiling hypothesis proposed than (sic) an
invisible barrier blocks women's upward mobility into the
higher reaches of occupational hierarchies [17, 25).
England and Farkas (10) explored structured mobility
ladders or internal labor markets. Their work expanded
the discussion of promotional gaps by recognizing that
mobility opportunities in certain jobs are structurally
restricted. In other words, regardless of the quality of
work one does or individual motivation to advance at
work, the chances for upward mobility are poor if the
ladders to advance within the organization are not in
place (9). The primary focus of this study is to better
understand how women who work in corrections per
ceive promotional opportunities in the field (both com-
munity and institutional).
who work or have worked in community and/or institu-
tional corrections in the state of Virginia were conducted
between December 2007 and June 2008. Initially, a gate-
keeper was identified which allowed us to gain access to
additional women who worked in the field. Thus, from
this key individual, a snowball sample ensued. Individuals
in the sample represent women who work in city, federal,
and state correctional facilities. Further, they include
women who work at various ranks within corrections
including correctional officers, managers and supervi.
sors, and directors.
Each of the women identified agreed to be inter
viewed. To maintain confidentiality, names, descriptive
characteristics of the participants, and the organization
they previously or currently worked for were not collected
during the interview process. Also, each respondent was
given a pseudonym. Each participant was advised at the
beginning of the conversation that the information pro-
vided would remain confidential. Participants were also
advised, and all agreed, that the interview would be
taped. Data were collected using a semi-structured inter-
viewing schedule. Respondents were asked a series of
questions in order to better understand how women per-
ceived promotional opportunities in the field of correc
tions. Focus centered on better understanding perceptions
regarding promotion in general, how gender differences
in the workplace shaped perceptions of promotional
opportunities, how women felt about harassment issues
at work, and how they perceived problems in balancing
home and work life.
Limitations of Methods and Data
Qualitative research techniques allow researchers to better
understand problems from the point of view of those offer
ing the information or data. Instead of asking many respon-
dents a multitude of questions, usually with closed-ended
response options, qualitative researchers aim to collect more
detailed data from a relatively few individuals. The goal in
qualitative work is to get to the heart of the matter at hand-
to really understand something well as opposed to a super-
ficial gloss of a problem. Thus, qualitative work typically
relies on small samples, which poses a thorny issue for
methodologists; however, as Creswell (7] writes, one really
understands qualitative methods when they know that there
is no answer to the question of how large the sample should
Methods
This work utilizes a qualitative method in order to better
understand how women perceive promotional opportu-
nities in corrections. After gaining human subject
approval, semi-structured phone interviews with women
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