The Advocacy Project

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writing 39c

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It is similar to the HCP, but it is to 1) you might advocate for one or more specific solutions to the significant and current political/social/cultural problem that sits at the center of your focus; 2) you might locate the next steps to potentially solving your project’s central problem; or, 3) you might argue for why the current solutions do not work and leave your readers with questions about possible next steps. See more details in the files I uploaded!

(This is not purely essay but a project ! For example, you can writing a scientific report towards the topic. In that case, you can upload some interesting pictures that related to it, and some relevant data, )

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WR 39C: ARGUMENT & RESEARCH _______________________________________ The Advocacy Project: A Multi-modal Composition Like the HCP Project, the main assignment here is a multi-modal composition that uses various rhetorical positions and different types of evidence to make arguments. This one, however, is a bit different from the first in that over the course of these next few weeks, as you research and evaluate various sources, and as you draft, craft and organize your thoughts and evidence, you will at some point have to make a decision to become an advocate for solutions to your central problem in at least one of the following three ways: 1) you might advocate for one or more specific solutions to the significant and current political/social/cultural problem that sits at the center of your focus; 2) you might locate the next steps to potentially solving your project’s central problem; or, 3) you might argue for why the current solutions do not work and leave your readers with questions about possible next steps. In other words, your arguments for advocating solutions in combination with the analytical reasons you provide for why you have chosen to focus on particular solutions will after weeks and weeks of diligent engagement become a richly-textured thesis statement, one that deepens your articulation of the problem at hand and argues for convincing for ways to move forward. When we think of the act of advocating and when we imagine a person or an organization who is an advocate for a cause, we think of strongly held opinions delivered with intensity from a rhetorical position that appears unshakable, deeply confident in the ethical rightness of its arguments and the accuracy of its knowledge. If we look at advocacy in such ways, we can understand why it takes time to become a convincing advocate, and that advocacy, even when it is delivered in the form of a thesisdriven composition, is a form of argumentation that can be quite different from the balanced arguments we often think of as academic writing even if it is as rigorous in its presentation of evidence. This is not to say that academic writers are not advocates. They are, and over the course of this project, you will become such an advocate—one who uses academic research and methods to deliver persuasive arguments convincingly to a public of one’s peers. Academic writers in many disciplines often write with the purpose of advocating for solutions to political/social/cultural/environmental problems. When they do so, they are expected to consider and present positions that run against theirs in various ways – call them counter arguments – in order to meet the expectations of their academic audience. They must demonstrate their mastery of established arguments and knowledge in areas of discourse and recognize the legitimacy of other perspectives, even if the author seeks ultimately to dismiss them. In the realm of public advocacy, arguments and persuasion can look, feel, and sound quite different. Public advocates deliver strong and impassioned arguments by undermining counter arguments. They do so by choice and with knowledge about the various perspectives and pieces of evidence that may potentially undermine their case. When putting forth arguments in academic or public settings, the most convincing advocates do not simply put forward solutions without first comprehending the informed debates in which these solutions are situated. Rather, successful advocates draw from a deep well of knowledge when carefully selecting the evidence and rhetorical appeals that will make their case about how to address the profound social problems they put before their audiences. 1 This assignment challenges you to become that strong advocate, one who delivers convincing solutions to a current and pressing political/social/cultural problem. You cannot, in all likelihood, be this advocate at the beginning of the project. You will need to spend time researching and evaluating sources; you will need to explore various arguments and perspectives as you write proposals and drafts. At some point, however, after deepening your knowledge and maybe even after writing a full draft or two, you will need to choose a position to advocate. The Rules of the Game: The Graded Submission: In Week 9 or thereabouts, you will submit your advocacy composition for a grade. The Ungraded Work: Between now and the submission deadline for the final version in Week 9, your instructor will give you a number of assignments to complete: source evaluations and annotations, outlines, prospective statements of argument, free writing, drafts, peer reviews, and other useful things to help you develop and craft your arguments. All of these assignments are ungraded, and they give you lots of artifacts to use in your ePortfolio! Take advantage of these ungraded assignments; use them to explore ideas and various arguments and as opportunities to receive feedback from your peers and your instructor so that your arguments become clearer and your composition more cogent, richly textured, and gracefully organized. If you complete all of the ungraded work, you put yourself in a much better position to turn in a well-developed submission by the time the final deadline arrives. If you do not do the ungraded work, your final product will have to contend with the final products of others who have and who will therefore turn in work that is of higher quality because it will be more polished comprehensively, and its arguments will be more mature, its thesis more persuasive, and its evidence more convincing. The Word Counts for the Multi-modal Composition: (Include notes and in-text citations but not the bibliography) -Draft 1: 1850 words -Draft 2: 2000 words -Graded Submission: 2500 words Sources & Citations: You should use at least 10 sources beyond the sources you’ve been assigned in class or used in your first essay. Use the MLA system for citing your sources. The Assignments Assignments Deadlines Advocacy Composition: Prewriting/Prospectus/ Research Proposal Week 6 Advocacy Composition: Draft 1 Week 7 (Written portion of Draft 1: 1850 words minimum including notes and in-text citations but not bibliography, multimodal.) 2 Advocacy Composition: Draft 2 (Written portion of Draft 2: 2500 words minimum including notes and in-text citations but not bibliography, multimodal.) Week 8 Advocacy Composition: Graded Submission (Written portion of Draft 2: 2500 words minimum including notes and in-text citations but not bibliography, multimodal.) Week 9 3 Peng 1 Zibin Peng Professor Julie Anna Schulte Writing 39C 5 November 2018 Sex industry threats China’ national health Introduction The term ‘sex workers’ refer to both men, women, as well as transgendered individuals that receive financial payments or goods in exchange for sexual favors or services. Fundamentally, these individuals knowingly define their activities as income creating even when they never consider sex work as their profession. Broadly, the terms ‘men,’ ‘women,’ as well as ‘transgendered’ people in the essay include sexually active teenagers. A social problem refers to a socially recognized condition, which a segment or part of the community perceives as detrimental to its members and which needs to be rectified. For instance, while others view sex work ‘prostitution’ as a social problem, others may consider it just like any other work. Therefore, it has become gradually evident in many countries, such as China, the country devotes itself shutting down sex industry because that role of commercial sex is central in increasing and supporting social problems such as HIV/AIDS epidemics. In the Chinese society, the level of HIV prevalence among the general public is estimated to be 0.06 per cent, with the number of new infections increasing each day. Generally, even though China is experiencing lowprevalence levels, the epidemic is still rising, with major regions encountering increased number of epidemics. Consequently, studying the sex work landscape in China can help people better understand that why prostitution severely hurts Chinese’ national health. Sex Workers in Historic Times Peng 2 In china, sex work was considerably common in major trading towns during the late nineteenth epoch and early twentieth era. During the year 1949, when the communist regime assumed power, the congress demanded for the closure of all the brothels in China. In addition, during this time, a number of female rehabilitations and treatment places were built, where majority of the sex workers were held. During the period 1955, there increased national campaigns agitating for moral values, and reproaching sexually transferred diseases as well as sex work (Tucker et al. 121-129). These campaigns contributed to the abolition and criminalization of sex work, leading to widespread closures of brothels. These actions further contributed for national wide control and eradication of almost all the sexually transmitted diseases by the year 1964 (Pirkle, Soundardjee and Stella). It also contributed to high economic trajectory, leading to increased movement of people by 1978, and especially between rural to urban places. Subsequently, owing to the increased prospects, high tourism, and greater tolerance to sexual behaviors, an increased sex working environment flourished. The enabling environment in China also prompted the increase of commercialized sex in the country. Principally, the increasing economic prospects of the Chinese societies worked as the chief driver behind the emergence and spread of commercial sex industry. It is this industry, which has cultivated an increased number of Chinese and immigrant sex workers. Equally, the growth of sex work industry in the country has continued growing significantly over the time, with most recent developments being witnessed over the last two decades. The projected number of female sex workers was approximately 25,000 in the period 1985 to nearly 6 million people in the year 2000. The United States’ state department report on China projected that in the year 2001, there was almost 10 million sex workers in China (HIV and AIDS Data Hub). However, more recent statistics report higher estimates of Chinese sex Peng 3 workers. The epidemics among the Chinese female sex workers are considerably diverse across the nation and its provinces. In china, sex work has been mainly predominant within the coastal parts of China, including China’s coastal provinces. Within the urban regions of Guiyang as well as Xingyi, the estimated number of female sex workers is 17,500 and 2,500 respectively (Pirkle, Soundardjee and Stella), reflecting a 3.4 and 3.6 per cent of the urban female populace. In China’s main towns, including Shanghai and Beijing, the number of sex workers comprise of majorly migrant populations from high-risk areas. The projected number of sex work consumers stand at about 17.7 million in Beijing and 37.4 million in Shanghai (Lu et al). Importantly, there are exists different groups or types of sex workers. These workers also originate from different social and economic strata of the Chinese community. One major category of these workers includes sex workers who work at high-end settings, including places such as private launches. Thus, majority of sex workers in the country are able to obtain customers in places such as entertainment joints, clubs, as well as private establishments in China. Additionally, new and emerging forms of sex services are coming up, including call girls as well as sex service through the internet, cars, or renting rooms; therefore, making the response more puzzling. Today, the sex industry in China is becoming increasingly based in brothels as found in other Asian countries. A more recent brothel-based study on sex work in the year 2000 established that three commonly used employment arrangements exist within sex work landscape. These arrangements help in governing and directing the economic as well as the social relationships between managers and the sex workers. The well-recognized arrangement includes work and housing because most of the workers undertake business outside their cities or hometowns in efforts to conceal identity and maintain anonymity. The next arrangement is a Peng 4 type where the employers are given earnings by sex workers. These employers in turn help sex workers with daily basic needs, including clothing and foods. The last arrangement includes ‘free-agents’ whose work is to manage workers. In the present Chinese society, sex work has particularly become more transient in nature. Most of the sex workers are normally based in hotels, saloons, massaging parlors, restaurants, as well as many other modern-time establishments. Moreover, street-based form of sex work is also on the rise, even though, it is usually done on a short-term basis (due to fears of harassment and incarcerations by the police). A large segment of these sex workers come from the lower socioeconomic areas, with the goal of earning and saving as much as they can to help and feed their families. Some of these sex workers are forced into the profession perhaps to obtain sufficient income to establish businesses. The average monthly earnings of these workers usually vary from US$50 to US$80, depending on the place, city, and client. The other important population of these workers includes male workers. Majority of the male workers serving male clients are commonly known as ‘money boys or yazi’ in China. However, there are little to none statistics on men sex workers within China. The absence of these statistics is perhaps due to the political as well as cultural restrictions in the Chinese society. Other reasons could include self-denial and marginalization within mainland China. Hence, the population and number of men sex workers in the country are largely unknown; however, projections range from 4.9 to 24 per cent, with most of these workers staying and working in the cities. Men sex workers may have both female and male clients. A survey by Cai et al ( 15-20) conducted in the cities of Qingdao and Beijing reported that approximately 44 per cent of the respondents studied identified themselves as homosexuals, another 44 per cent as bisexual, while the remaining 12 per cent as heterosexuals. Another study performed on 394 male Peng 5 workers in the city of Shenzhen indicated that about 25 per cent of the respondents identified themselves as homosexuals and over 70 per cent had sexual encounters with both men and women (Cai et al. 15-20). Sex Workers threat China’s social&national health Sex work draws diverse controversies and continues to elicit mixed reactions both for legal and public policy experts in China, raising important questions regarding social relations. In China, though sex work is not considered as being a criminal conduct, sex workers are arrested and detained regardless of what let them into engaging in commercial sex. Moreover, the government of China has sporadically enforced a number of anti-sex work laws through its different agencies to try to vanish this industry, including the police. Several crackdowns have been undertaken over the years, arresting both sex workers as well as brothel managers, with one of the most intense crackdowns happening in the year 2010 (Huang and Pan 1067-1079). It is therefore, evident that sex work is a social problem in China because of the accompanying phenomena that threats to China’s national health, including sexually transmitted diseases, corruption to the populace's cultivation , and organized crimes. Sex work is also seen in China as a social problem because it often endangers the health and welfare of sellers, consumers, and the society in general due to the spread of sexually transmitted diseases. Over the decades, the partial triumph of China’s anti-sex work efforts encouraged punitive as well as vengeance-based approaches to this type of work, where most of the individuals involved in it have been perceived as deviants. According to Wang et al, sex workers are about 13 times more prone into contracting sexually transmitted diseases, including HIV compared to the general population in China. Wang et al explains that this group of people are at increased risk because of high chances of being Peng 6 economically susceptible, unable to negotiate regular condom use, and often encounter violence, banishment, in addition to criminalization. Furthermore, sex activities and related works in China are fundamentally illegal and outlawed undertakings as formulated and contain in the country’s constitution, particularly the 1992 Women’s law and other national legislations that have been put into place (Jolly and Ying). The Chinese government and authorities usually makes use of a traditional strategy approach in executing and applying severe laws and bylaws against sex activities, with the purpose of thwarting or obliterating high risk behaviors. Therefore, based on these laws and any other restrictions in force, most of the sex workers in China are subject to many administrative penalties such as fines, long-term detention, incarceration, as well as warnings. According to Article 358 of the People’s Republic of China criminal laws, any person found to be guilty of engaging or compelling a woman into having work may be sentenced to an imprisonment term of between 5 to 10 years (Settle et al.). According to Settle et al, the maximum sentence was afterwards amended to include a death penalty by the year 1991 following the China’s decision in fighting against prostitution. Settle et al also underpins Article 359 of the Chinese criminal rules, which clearly outlines that any individual that gains or takes advantage, accommodates, or even invites a woman for sexual activity may be punished for a maximum of 5 years in jail. China’s constitution, especially those laws that forbid prostitution, criminalizes people who may organize others for the purposes of sex work and those using minors below 14 years for sex activities. All these offenses are also punishable by a death penalty for those found guilty in China. Under China’s Administrative Punishment Act, the law allows for the detention and prosecution of both sellers and buyers of sexual services. Under this law, the punishment for Peng 7 offenders is 15 days in detention and a fine. Some of the offenders are also taken for four years in-rehabilitation centers as well as labor camps. According to statistics, each year at least 40,000 to 50,000 women are held under detention and taken to labor camps or rehabilitation centers because of selling sex. According to Choi, about 300,000 of women sex workers in China are currently incarcerated. More recently, China’s laws have also included sexually transmitted infections as well as HIV prevention awareness because of the increase in unprotected sexual encounters. Another law that is commonly applied in China is the Frontier Health and Quarantine Law. According to this law, sex offenders can be jailed for about 6 months to 2 years. In addition, it states that those that consciously contaminate other with sexually transmitted diseases are also subject to charges and imprisonment terms. Trends in this industry particularly point out that the industry is growing and there are chances of its participants experiencing increased chances of HIV infection. In the year 2005, estimates projected that about 127, 000 HIV infected sex workers and their clients living in China (Parry 257-336). According to Yang et al (292-303), the incidence of HIV as well as other sexually conducted infections among sex workers and their consumers has been on the rise, with higher chances of disease spread than in the general Chinese population. In addition to HIV and STIs, sex work in China has also contributed to family violence, which has been a major cause of sex workers among women. Remarkably, the increase in sex workers has also led to family violence and breakups. It is also important to note that this is how sex workers threat social health by interacting and associating with other women in the society. In most cases, they may meet in social paces or other social setups, for instance, in the salons where they may engage in discussions, convincing others into sex work as a job. In China, a Peng 8 good number of married women have fallen into this trap, forcing families many families to disintegrate. In this regard, sex work acts as a major social problem in China because it contributes to societal suffering and lose of important social fabrics, which hold members together. For instance, it may lead to increased stress among people in the society, especially in places where families have been broken up, contributing to high risks of mental disorders among the population. Peng 9 References Chow, Eric P. F. et al. "Risk Behaviours among Female Sex Workers in China: A Systematic Review and Data Synthesis". PLOS ONE, vol 10, no. 3, 2015, p. e0120595. Public Library Of Science (Plos), doi:10.1371/journal.pone.0120595. Choi SY, Chen KL, Jiang ZQ, Client‐perpetuated violence and condom failure among female sex workers in southwestern China. Sex Transm Dis. 2008 Feb;35(2):141‐6. Huang, Yingying, and Suiming Pan. "Government Crackdown Of Sex Work In China: Responses From Female Sex Workers And Implications For Their Health". Global Public Health, vol 9, no. 9, 2014, pp. 1067-1079. Informa UK Limited, doi:10.1080/17441692.2014.954592. HIV and AIDS Data Hub China ‐ all indicators. China, National HIV/AIDS Sentinel Surveillance Results. 2009. Jolly, S. and W. Ying, Key Issues on Gender and HIV/AIDS in China: Report for DFID. 2003, DFID. Parry, J., China's Pragmatic Approach to AIDS. Bulletin of the World Health Organization, 2006. 84(4): p. 257‐ 336. People’s Republic of China, Regulations on AIDS prevention and treatment, decree 457 of the state council of the PRC, 2006. Pirkle, C., R. Soundardjee, and A. Stella, Female Sex Workers in China: Vectors of Disease? Sexually Transmitted Diseases 2007. 34(9): p. 695‐703. Lu, F., et al., Estimating the number of people at risk for and living with HIV in China in 2005: methods and results. Sex Transm Infect, 2006. 82(Suppl III): p. iii87‐ iii91. Peng 10 Settle, et al, “Decriminalizing Sex Work: Implications for HIV Prevention and Control in China”, in J.D. Tucker, L. Dudley eds., Gender Policy and HIV in China: Catalyzing Policy Change. (Springer, 2009). Tucker, J., et al., Incarcerated Sex Workers and HIV Prevention in China: Social Suffering and Social Justice Countermeasures. Social Science and Medicine, 2010. 70: p.121‐129. Wang, L. et al. The HIV, Syphilis, And HCV Epidemics Among Female Sex Workers In China: Results From A Serial Cross-Sectional Study Between 2008 And 2012. 2018. Accessed 2 Nov 2018. Wang H, Chen RY, et al, Prevalence and predictors of HIV infection among female sex workers in Kaiyuan City, Yunnan Province, China. Int J Infect Dis. 2009 Mar;13(2):162‐9.
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Sex industry threats China’ national health
Introduction
The sprawling commercial sex work industry is a major threat to the Chinese national
health. The Chinese government has in the recent past been carrying out extensive
crackdowns to eliminate the practice. While many sex workers involuntarily enter into the
industry, some of the sex workers get into the industry by choice. Different institutions view
the current policies against sex workers as against human rights and the rights of the sex
workers. On the other hand, the proponents of the current measures by the Chinese
government claim that the extinction of the sex work industry demands a serious crackdown
including turf actions against the sex workers. It is notable that amongst the sex workers
entering the industry by choice, they have social, psychological or economic problem that
must be addressed before engaging the crackdowns and extensive creation of policies that
target the sex workers and the entire industry. Similarly, the individuals getting into the
industry involuntarily go through particular pressures making them land in the sector.
Therefore, an extensive survey requires addressing the various causes of sex workers and
providing possible solutions to the problem. In this paper determines that the current
solutions offered by the Chinese government are not sufficient to the elimination of sex
workers and sex work industry in China. The recent survey by the world health organization
established that over ten million people in China are sex workers and that more than a quarter
of the population are HIV/AIDS victims or have other sexually transmitted diseases.
Therefore, while the current measures by the government would be significant in eliminating
the problem, there is a need to have more tangible solutions to the problem. In this regard,
therefore, this paper suggests other measures that would eradicate this socioeconomic
problem in the face of China.

Current Interventions by the Chinese government
For many years, the sex work industry in China remains illegal. Therefore, the
practice of sex work is by law an offense and that those practicing should face the law. In this
regard, the Chinese government creates laws that criminalize sex work. For example,
following a rapid increase in the sex work industry, the Chinese government created the law
on Public Security Administration Punishments. According to this law, anyone found guilty
of soliciting sex would face a maximum of 15 days detention plus a fine of not more than
5,000 Yuan approximately $750. Besides the law, the government of the People’s Republic of
China through the law enforcement officers carries out sensitive crackdowns where the sex
workers are arrested and charged in accordance with the law. A research by Carlson et al.
(2017) shows that more than 90 percent of the sex workers in China are women. In addition,

Surname 2
over half of the sex workers got into the industry through abduction or because of their
inability to meet their daily needs.
When conducting the crackdowns the police often look for condoms as evidence and
proof that the suspect is truly a sex worker. Merli et al. (2015) claim that using condoms as
proof against sex workers have resulted in some o...


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