MARTIN LUTHER KING JR. Letter from Birmingham Jail (1963] IN THE FIRST HALF OF THE TWENTIETH CENTURY, "Jim Crow" laws ensured that whites and blacks in America remained segregated in all areas of public life-on buses, on railroads, in schools, in restaurants, and elsewhere. However, in 1954, the Supreme Court ruled in the case of Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka that separating students of different races into different schools was unconstitutional. That decision signaled the beginning of the end of the segregation laws. In the following years, schools across the country would be integrated, followed by other public facilities and public transportation. The Reverend Martin Luther King Jr. (1929-1968) gained wide exposure as a civil rights leader in 1955, when, while serving as a pastor in Montgomery, Alabama, he led a boycott against that city's bus lines that resulted in their desegregation the following year. In 1957, after the success of the bus boycott, King founded the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC) and began a series of nonviolent campaigns aimed at ending racial segregation across the South. In 1963, the SCLC led a series of highly publicized protests and demonstrations in Birmingham, Ala- bama, that proved to be one of the turning points in the struggle for civil rights. King, who was well versed in the philosophy and practice of nonviolent civil disobedience, understood that one powerful application of this philosophy was to disobey unjust laws publicly and to accept the consequences of that disobedience. Consequently, when a local judge issued a blatantly unconstitutional injunction that forbade King and others from engaging in protest activities, he defied the order and went to jail. While in jail, he read, with dismay, an open letter from eight moderate, white clergymen in Birmingham condemning the demonstrations as "unwise and untimely ... extreme measures (that were) led... by outsiders." In its conclusion, the letter states, "We...urge our own Negro community to withdraw support from these demonstrations, and to unite locally in working peacefully for a better Birmingham. When rights are consistently denied, a cause should be pressed in the courts and in negotiations among local leaders, and not in the streets. We appeal to both our white and Negro citizenry to observe the principles of law and order and common sense." King was disheartened by this rebuke from the very Christian and Jewish lead- ers he had hoped would support his cause. He used their letter as the platform for what would become one of the most famous arguments for civil disobedience ever written: his "Letter from Birmingham Jail." Because he wrote this response to fellow members of the clergy, and because he rooted his activism in Christianity, King bases his argument firmly in the Judeo-Christian tradition. He invokes passages from both the Old and New Testaments to support two different propositions that 425 426 LAW AND GOVERNMENT segregation is unjust in the eyes of God, and that the Judeo-Christian tradition allows, and even at times requires, disobedience to unjust laws. The "Letter from Birmingham Jail" is dated April 16, 1963. King could not send the letter directly to those it addressed; friends had to smuggle it out of the jail in pieces and reassemble it later. The letter was included in King's book Why We Can't Wait, which was published in 1964, the year that King became, at thirty-five, The "Letter from Birmingham Jail" has long been considered a casebook of different rhetorical approaches. King takes great pains to establish the ethos of a trusted and knowledgeable member of the clergy, but he also makes powerful appeals to justice and fairness, and his arguments about just and unjust laws give an excellent example of deductive reasoning in action. the youngest person ever to be awarded the Nobel Prize for Peace. My Dear Fellow Clergymen, While confined here in the Birmingham city jail, I came across your recent statement calling our present activities "unwise and untimely." Seldom, if ever, do I pause to answer criticism of my work and ideas. If I sought to answer all of the criticisms that cross my desk, my secretaries would be engaged in little else in the course of the day, and I would have no time for constructive work. But since I feel that you are men of genuine good will and your criticisms are sincerely set forth, I would like to answer your statement in what I hope will be patient and reasonable terms. I think I should give the reason for my being in Birmingham, since you have been influenced by the argument of “outsiders coming in.” I have the honor of serv- ing as president of the Southern Christian Leadership Conference, an organization operating in every southern state, with headquarters in Atlanta, Georgia. We have some eighty-five affiliate organizations all across the South-one being the Alabama Christian Movement for Human Rights. Whenever necessary and possible we share staff, educational and financial resources with our affiliates. Several months ago our local affiliate here in Birmingham invited us to be on call to engage in a nonvio lent direct-action program if such were deemed necessary. We readily consented and when the hour came we lived up to our promises. So I am here, along with several members of my staff, because we were invited here. I am here because I have basic organizational ties here. Beyond this, I am in Birmingham because injustice is here. Just as the eighth century prophets' left their little villages and carried their "thus saith the Lord” far beyond the boundaries of their hometowns; and just as the Apostle Paul left his little village of Tarsus and carried the gospel of Jesus Christ to practically every hamlet and city of the Graeco-Roman world, I too am compelled to carry the gospel of were 1. Eighth century prophets: a group of Hebrew prophets-including Isaiah, Amos, Hosea, Jonah, and Elijah--who preached against idolatry. Like King and the Southern Christian Leadership Conference, these prophets often seen as "outside agitators" by the people they preached to. Christian tradition MARTIN LUTHER KING JR. - Letter from Birmingham Jail 427 S. King could not send gle it out of the jail King's book Why We ecame, at thirty-five. Peace. dered a casebook of establish the ethos of also makes powertul affects one t and unjust laws give 5 ss your recent statement m, if ever, do I pause to all of the criticisms that freedom beyond my particular hometown. Like Paul, I must constantly respond to the Macedonian call for aid.2 Moreover, I am cognizant of the interrelatedness of all communities and states. I cannot sit idly by in Atlanta and not be concerned about what happens in Birmingham. Injustice anywhere is a threat to justice everywhere. We are caught in an inescapable network of mutuality, tied in a single garment of destiny. Whatever directly affects all indirectly. Never again can we afford to live with the narrow, provincial "outside agitator" idea. Anyone who lives in the United States can never be considered an outsider anywhere in this country. You deplore the demonstrations that are presently taking place in Birmingham. But I am sorry that your statement did not express a similar concern for the conditions that brought the demonstrations into being. I am sure that each of you would want to go beyond the superficial social analyst who looks merely at effects, and does not grapple with underlying causes. I would not hesitate to say that it is unfortunate that so-called demonstrations are taking place in Birmingham at this time, but I would say in more emphatic terms that it is even more unfortunate that the white power structure of this city left the Negro community with no other alternative. In any nonviolent campaign there are four basic steps: (1) collection of the facts to determine whether injustices are alive, (2) negotiation, (3) self-purification, and (4) direct action. We have gone through all of these steps in Birmingham. There can be no gainsaying of the fact that racial injustice engulfs this community. Birmingham is probably the most thoroughly segregated city in the United States. Its ugly record of police brutality is known in every section of this country. Its injust treatment of Negroes in the courts is a notorious reality. There have been more unsolved bombings of Negro homes and churches in Birmingham than any city in this nation. These are the hard, brutal and unbelievable facts. On the basis of these conditions Negro leaders sought to negotiate with the city fathers. But the political leaders consistently refused to engage in good faith negotiation. Then came the opportunity last September to talk with some of the leaders of the economic community . In these negotiating sessions certain promises were made by the merchants such as the promise to remove the humiliating racial signs from the stores. On the basis of these promises Rev. Shuttlesworth and the leaders of the in the course of the day , feel that you are men of h, I would like to answer ble terms. ningham, since you have I have the honor of serv onference, an organization Atlanta, Georgia. We have 2-one being the Alabama ssary and possible we share es. Several months ago our all to engage in a nonvie 7. We readily consented and am here, along with several n here because I have hasic is here. Just as the eighth 2. Macedonian call for aid: Paul was an early Christian missionary who established Christian congregations in many of the major cities of the Roman Empire, such as Corinth, Galatia, Philippi, Thessalonica, and Rome itself. Much of the latter part of the New Testament consists of Paul's letters to these various congregations. Macedonia was a region of the Roman Empire north of Greece, in which several of these congregations were located. The Macedonian call refers to a vision that Paul had, which is described in Acts 16:9-10: "And a vision appeared to Paul in the night; There stood a man of Macedonia, and prayed him, saying, Come over into Mac- edonia, and help us. And after he had seen the vision, immediately we endeavoured to go into Macedonia, assuredly gathering that the Lord had called us for to preach the gospel unto them." 3. Rev. Shuttlesworth: The Reverend Fred Shuttlesworth (b. 1922) was one of the cofound- ers, with King, of the SCLC. eir "thus saith the Lord"lar he Apostle Paul left his like to practically every hamile welled to carry the gospeld Gmterence , these prophes od 10 a "outside apanan "by the mi 428 LAW AND GOVERNMENT Alabama Christian Movement for Human Rights agreed deep a were any type of demonstrations. As the weeks and months unfolded we realized that we of the past we were confronted with blasted hopes, and the dark shadow of: disappointment settled upon us. So we had no alternative except that of preparing for direct action, whereby we would present our very bodies as a means of laying our case before the conscience of the local and national community. We were not unmindful of the difficulties involved. So we decided to go through a process of self-purification. We started having workshops on nonviolence and repeatedly asked ourselves the questions, "Are you able to accept blows without retaliating?" "Are you able to endure the ordeals of jail?" We decided to set our direct-action program around the Easter season, realizing that with the exception of Christmas, this was the largest shopping period of the year. Knowing that a strong economic withdrawal program would be the by-product of direct action, we felt that this was the best time to bring pressure on the merchants for the needed changes. Then it occurred to us that the March election was ahead and so we speedily decided to postpone action until after election day. When we discovered that Mr. Connort was in the run-off, we decided again to postpone action so that the demonstrations could not be used to cloud the issues. At this time we agreed to begin our nonviolent witness the day after the run-off. men to rise fra understanding situation so cr therefore, con Southland bec than dialogue. One of the asked, "Why di that I can give as much as the that the electio Mr. Boutwell is segregationists, in Mr. Boutwell resistance to desc of civil rights. M civil rights with tragic story of the 는 Individuals may as Reinhold Niel We know the by the oppressor yet engaged in a timetable of thos For years now 1 10 with a piercing been a tranquilizi to give birth to a This reveals that we did not move irresponsibly into direct action. We too wanted to see Mr. Connor defeated; so we went through postponement after postponement to aid in this community need. After this we felt that direct action could be delayed no longer. You may well ask, "Why direct action? Why sit-ins, marches, etc.? Isn't negotia- tion a better path?" You are exactly right in your call for negotiation. Indeed, this is the purpose of direct action. Nonviolent direct action seeks to create such a crisis and establish such creative tension that a community that has constantly refused to negotiate is forced to confront the issue. It seeks so to dramatize the issue that it can no longer be ignored. I just referred to the creation of tension as a part of the work of the nonviolent resister. This may sound rather shocking. But I must confess that I am not afraid of the word tension. I have earnestly worked and preached against violent tension, but there is a type of constructive nonviolent tension that is neces- sary for growth. Just as Socrates felt that it was necessary to create a tension in the mind so that individuals could rise from the bondage of myths and half-truths to the unfettered realm of creative analysis and objective appraisal, we must see the need of having nonviolent gadflies to create the kind of tension in society that will help distinguished juri have waited for The nations of political indepen ing of a cup of co felt the stinging mobs lynch your at whame, when S. No. Bowelle 4. Mr. Connor: Theophilus Eugene "Bull" Connor (1897-1973), a police commissioner in Birmingham, was noted for using vicious methods including fire hoses and police dogs to suppress civil rights demonstrations. Images of Connor using these tactics on peaceful demon- strators in Birmingham were broadcast all over the world, generating an outrage that helped pass the 1963 and 1964 Civil Rights Acts. 429 MARTIN LUTHER KING JR. - Letter from Birmingham Jail todos changes. There edily decided Mc Comment demonstratina men to rise from the dark depths of prejudice and racism to the majestic heights of understanding and brotherhood. So the purpose of the direct action is to create a situation so crisis-packed that it will inevitably open the door to negotiation. We, therefore, concur with you in your call for negotiation. Too long has our beloved Southland been bogged down in the tragic attempt to live in monologue rather than dialogue. One of the basic points in your statement is that our acts are untimely. Some have asked, "Why didn't you give the new administration time to act?" The only answer that I can give to this inquiry is that the new administration must be prodded about as much as the outgoing one before it acts. We will be sadly mistaken if we feel that the election of Mr. Boutwell will bring the millennium to Birmingham. While Mr. Boutwell is much more articulate and gentle than Mr. Connor, they are both segregationists, dedicated to the task of maintaining the status quo. The hope I see in Mr. Boutwell is that he will be reasonable enough to see the futility of massive resistance to desegregation. But he will not see this without pressure from the devotees of civil rights. My friends, I must say to you that we have not made a single gain in civil rights without determined legal and nonviolent pressure. History is the long and tragic story of the fact that privileged groups seldom give up their privileges voluntarily. Individuals may see the moral light and voluntarily give up their unjust posture; but as Reinhold Niebuhr has reminded us, groups are more immoral than individuals.6 We know through painful experience that freedom is never voluntarily given by the oppressor; it must be demanded by the oppressed. Frankly, I have never yet engaged in a direct action movement that was "well-timed,” according to the timetable of those who have not suffered unduly from the disease of segregation. For years now I have heard the word "Wait!" It rings in the ear of every Negro with a piercing familiarity. This "Wait" has almost always meant "Never.” It has been a tranquilizing thalidomide, relieving the emotional stress for a moment, only to give birth to an ill-formed infant of frustration. We must come to see with the distinguished jurist of yesterday that "justice too long delayed is justice denied.” We have waited for more than 340 years for our constitutional and God-given rights. The nations of Asia and Africa are moving with jetlike speed toward the goal of political independence, and we still creep at horse and buggy pace toward the gain- ing of a cup of coffee at a lunch counter. I guess it is easy for those who have never felt the stinging darts of segregation to say, "Wait.” But when you have seen vicious mobs lynch your mothers and fathers at will and drown your sisters and brothers at whim; when you have seen hate-filled policemen curse, kick, brutalize and even in our mike 16 into dimezzanin postponemear char dinar actica mity charm dhamira warm halig/ 5. Mr. Boutwell: Albert Boutwell (1904-1978) defeated Bull Connor in the 1963 race for mayor The assertion that King references here is the subject of Niebuhr's 1932 book Moral Man and Immoral Society. മാസത്തി of Birmingham 6. Reinhold Niebuhr: American Protes- tant theologian (1892-1971) and professor at New York's Union Theological Seminary. 7. Thalidomide: a sedative drug that was discov ered to cause birth defects,
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