Advanced Adult Development

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timer Asked: Feb 4th, 2019

Question Description

Select a 3-4 of critical thinking questions from each chapter and answer them in written format, summarizing key ideas, evaluating information, and relating it to real life experiences. Note: The critical thinking questions appear in blue in the margins of pages throughout each chapter, not at the end of chapters.

rtc -- Introduction to Adult Basic Concepts in Adult Development Sources of Change Normative Age-Graded I nfluences Biology Shared Experiences lnternal Change Processes Normative History-Graded I n{luences DeYelopment Nonnormative Life Events Sources ol Stability Genetics MY JOURNEY OF adulthood began early, as many women of my generation, when I married shortly did that of after high school and began a family. But unlike many women in my peer group, I spent more time reading than I did having morning coffee with the other moms. I always took a book along to read while the kids had music lessons, base- ball practice, and orthodontist appointments. The library was a weekly stop along with the grocery store and was as important to me. By the time my youngest child began kindergarten, I enrolled in college a5 x f165[px1-a1 the age of 29, which was much older than the average at that time. For the next7 years, my children and I did our homework together at the kitchen Environment lnteractionist View A Word About "Age" Sefting the Course: Some Guiding Perspectives Life-Span Developmental Psychology Approach Bioecological Model of Development Developmental Research Methods Measures Ana lyses Desig ns table, counted the days to the next holiday break, and posted our grade A Final Word reports on the refrigerator. Today, as adults, they tell me that they can't Summary remember a time in their childhood when I wasn't in school. Just before Key Terms I Suggested Reading received my master's degree in developmental psychology, the marriage ended, and I spent some time as a single mother. I abandoned plans for a PhD and took a job at the universiry, teaching psychology courses and doing research on children's memory development. And just began to leave the nest, as my children I married a man whose own journey of adulthood had brought him to fatherhood rather late, making me stepmother of 5-year-old, who quickly became an important part of my life. a Not too Chapter i much later, the grandchildren began to arrive, and life settled into a nice routine. Ir I had clone it all-marliage, parenthood, career, singie palenthood, stepparenthood, and grandparenthood; mv life u.as fu1l. Suddenly, my 50th birthda,v loomed, and it seemed to represent so much more to me than tr.rrning "just another year older." The half-century mark was quite a shock and caused me to reevali-rate my life. I realized that I wasn't read,v to ride slor,vly into the sunset for the next several decades; I needed to get back on track and move fonvard with my education. The next fall I entered a PhD program in life-span developmental psychology at the Universiw of Georgia. It was an invigorating experience ancl also very humbling. Instead of being the teacher, I rvas the student. Instead of- supervising the research project, I was the neu.bie. L.rstead of being the one giving advice, I was the one rvho had to ask where the bookstole was, where to park, and how to use the copv machine. But 3 years later I rvas awarded a red-and-black hood in a formal graduation ceremonl. 1vi1[ my children and grandchildren, parents, and siblings cheering for me frorn the audience. Nor,r, I teach part rime at the Ioca1 universiw and lvrite college textbooks. l'welve years ago my husband and I moved from our city home to a country home in soLltheastern Florida, complete rvith a cypress stand in the front vard and a sma1l pine forest in the back. Our neighbors have horses, and we rvake to roosters crow'ing in the rnorning. Two of our younger grandchildren live nearby, and my typical day consists of teachine a university class in the morning and then picking up mt'15-year-oid grandson at high school so he can drive r-ne around town on lvhatever errands I might have. He .just got his learner's permit, and I am enjoying that magical year when he seemingly wants to go ever'1.vr..here with r.ne. Last rveek I helped my 10-vear-old grandson lvith his fifth-grade science project-gror,ving flowers with ,rnd without magnesium sulfate to see which have the brightest blooms. It was fun, but I rvas a 1itt1e irked when "-"ve" only got a B+. Three years ago, rvith three adult children and eight grandchildren ranging in age fiom 7 to 25, my husband and I felt that our lives r,vere settling down a little. But then my older son, rvho had been divorced for many vears (and had for-rr children in college), remarried and surprised us rvith Miss Lily Pearl-Grandchild #91 She just had her first birthday last lr.eek, and rve can't imagine how we ever thought our family was compiete without her. So if there is a message to take from this book it is tl-ris: development doesn't stop at 21-or 40 or 65. Yor-rr'life will never srop sur;-,rising you rintil you breathe your last breath. My wish for you is that the surprises are mostly happy ones. seemed E a si e ui-l* r: cen-"t s i ;: A i,i il lt i-.1 ;:'r, *l.l* 6 tn i.: r. r. Tlris book is about adult development, and it follolvs the tenets of ,,r',,,,,',ir,':',i'::,r'':n.i;:.i psvcho{*g;r-, the ficld of studv that deals r.vith the behavior, thoughts, and emotions ol individuals as they go through various parts of the life span. The flcld also includes child development, adolescent development, and :iil,ir. ii,,',,,.l',:rrtc,-,'. which is the particular concern of this book. We are interested in the changes that take place r'vithin individuals as they progre.ss frorn emerging adr-ilthood (when adolescence is ending) to the er-rd of life. Although marr1, autobiographies give first-person accounts of people's lives and man,v interesting stories about people's experiences in adulthood, this book is based sn ea..;:',rii:.ii reseffrc!!.-scientific studies of observable events that are measured and evaluated objectively. V/hen personal accolrnts and examples :rte used (including the opening story about my life), they are chosen to illustrate concepts that have been qrrefully researched. Son're of you reading this are just beginning the journe,v of your ou'n adult life; some of you irre partway along the road, having traveled thror-rgh your 20s, 30s, and perhaps 40s. 50s. and bevond- V/hatever \/oLrr Age. l,olr are travelins. movins throush the vears Introduction to Adult Development and through the transformations that come along the way. tWe do not all follow the same itinerary on this journey; you may spend a long time in a location that I do not visit at all; I may make an unscheduled side trip. Or we may visit the same places but experience them very differently. Every journey has individual differences, aspects that are unique to the individual. You may not have experienced the trials of single parenthood as I have or the joys of grandparenthood, and I cannot relate to the independence you must feel when living alone or the confusion you experience when your parents divorce. Likewise, there also have to be some commonalities, rypical aspects of adult life that most of us can relate to (either now or in the future). Most of us have moved out of our parents' homes (or plan to soon), experienced romantic relationships, entered college with some plans for the future, and either started a family or given some serious thought to parenthood. tVithout these common hopes and experiences, there would be no reason for a book on adult development. My goal for this book is to explore with you both the uniqueness and the common grounds of our adult lives. Two of the concepts featured in this book are stability and change during the developmental process. Stability describes the important parts of our selves that make up a consistent core. It is the constant set of attributes that makes each of us the individuals that we are throughout our lifetimes. In other words, yow 4}-year-old self will be similar to your Z}-year-old self in some ways, as will your 60-year-old self. For example, one of the stable themes of my adult life is a love for books. In fact, it goes back to my childhood. Some of my most prized possessions are the books in my library. I always have several books sitting around the house that I am in the process of reading. And 10 years ago I started a book club in my neighborhood that has become a big source 'What are some of the stable themes of joy for me. Another theme that keeps popping up in my life is children, of 1.our life? How do you think these beginning early on with three younger sisters, then my own children, then my themes will be expressed 20 years lrom stepdaughter, nieces and nephews, then grandchildren. I have always had a toy now? box in my living room and sippy cups in the kitchen cabinet. In fact, the two themes of books and children often mix. I send books on birthdays for the children on my gift list, and when visiting children spend the night, I have a shelf of children's books in the guestroom, some of them that belonged to their own parents so many years ago. Perhaps you find stabiliry in your life in terms of play- ing a musical instrument or participating in sports. The genre of books I read may change over the years, and your choice of musical selections or sporting events may be different from time to time, but the core essence of these stable themes remains an integral part ofour lives. Change is the opposite force to stabiliry. It is what happens to us over time that makes us different from our younger (and older) selves. An example from my life that illustrates this is travel. fu a child I never traveled too far out of my home state of Florida. Almost all my relatives lived nearby, and those who didn't were more than happy to visit us in the warm climate during the winter. In fact, at the age of 35,I -- Middle adulthood can bring large-scale changes in lifestyle and interests, as illustrated by this photo of author Barbara Bjorklund along the city wall of Siena, ltaly, Chapter 1 much later, the grandchildren began to arrive, and life setded into a nice routine. seemed I a I I L L I had done it all-marriage, parenthood, It career, single parenthood, stepparent- hood, and grandparenthood; my life was full. Suddenly, my 50th birthday loomed, and it seemed to represent so much more to me than turning "just another year older." The half-century mark was quite a shock and caused me to reevaluate my life. I realized that I wasn't ready to ride slowly into the sLrnset for the next several decades; I needed to get back on track and move forward with my education. The next fall I entered a PhD program in life-span developmental psychology at the University of Georgia. It was an invigorating experience and also very humbling. Instead of being the teacher, I was the student. Instead of supervising the research project, I was the newbie. Instead of being the one giving advice, I was the one who had to ask where the bookstore was, where to park, and how to use the copy machine. But 3 years later I was awarded a red-and-black hood in a formal graduation ceremony with my children and grandchildren, parents, and siblings cheering for me from the audience. Now I teach part time at the local university and write college textbooks. Twelve years ago my husband and I moved from our ciry home to a country home in southeastern Florida, complete with a cypress stand in the front yard and a small pine forest in the back. Our neighbors have horses, and we wake to roosters crowing in the morning. Two of our younger grandchildren live nearby, and my rypical day consists of teaching a universiry class in the morning and then picking up my 15-year-old grandson at high school so he can drive me around town on whatever errands I might have. He just got his learner's permit, and I am enjoying that magical year when he seemingly wants to go everywhere with me. Last week I helped my l0-year-old grandson with his fifth-grade science project-growing flowers with and without magnesium sulfate to see which have the brightest blooms. It was fun, but I was a little irked when "we" only got a B+. Three years ago, with three adult children and eight grandchildren ranging in age fromT ro 25, my husband and I felt that our lives were settling down a little. But then my older son, who had been divorced for many years (and had four children in college), remarried and surprised us with Miss Lily Pearl-Grandchild #9! She just had her first birthday last week, and we can't imagine how we ever thought our family was complete without her. So if there is a message to take from this book it is this: development doesn't stop at 27-or 4O or 65. Your life will never stop surprising you until you breathe your last breath. My wish for you is that the surprises are mostly happy ones. Basic Concepts in Adult Development This book is about adult development, and it follows the tenets of developmental psychology, the field of study that deals with the behavior, thoughts, and emotions of individuals as they go through various parts of the life span. The field also includes child development, adolescent development, and adult development, which is the particular 'W'e concern of this book. are interested in the changes that take place within individuals as they progress from emerging adulthood (when adolescence is ending) to the end of life. Although many autobiographies give first-person accounts of people's lives and many interesting stories about people's experiences in adulthood, this book is based on empirical research-scientific studies of observable events that are measured and evaluated objectively. tVhen personal accounts and examples are used (including the opening story about my life), they are chosen to illustrate concepts that have been carefully researched. Some of you reading this are just beginning the journey of your own adult life; some ofyou are parrway along the road, having traveled through your 20s, 30s, and perhaps 40s, 50s, and beyond. 'Whatever your age, you are traveling, moving through the years Introduction to Adult Development Eces of Change ffi**e**'t,'g*wutrw -\ge-Graded Influences first thought is-probablv of wl-rat -' -.r'': the phrase "sources of change"'1'our th"1 are linked to age and .-.;matile *g.-g,^a"d influences' iho" i'1flt"t"t' thev grow older' At least three rypes of ' -.:,-, = I -- - - r' - :- ::rr)st adults " ";;;;;;;;otiot' ..,i.tlces impinge on the typical adult' shared by all of us because we are all .- i .:': trf tire changes we see in ad'ults areprocesses' This is often represented bv . ,-r s;,ecies undergoing nattiral aging ' .- biological .loof,, tiiki"g away to mark the common changes that occur or skin - . ,..:'.'. ,.,.1-, .t .ng-..t ";t t;dt() "t' 'uth as l-rair gradually turning gray inwardly' occur but outside th-e ': : :-..rer' o.1r.^;;t ;;t "iitrt aittctiy from strength' The ,, ,-rii.t.tt-tscle tirr,r.,,uhith results in a gracluai loss of physical another' - - ,---lt phvsical changes occtLr varies qtltt " lot from one Person to ' - - -- .,-.:re,-1 nlore fullf in Chapter 2' - is dictated for most of us by our :".-::":;itct-i. Atrother normative influence that the normal sequence of adult life experi. ' - . : ' :.trued t t'" 'oeJti()tkdtfi'1ing "-i,rritro,,fnrarriage'collegegradtration'artdretiretnent'Eventhough ;l rhe timing of these experiences' \ve stili ,,. -ili.rnded ,;. ;;;:.';;h;;; j: -,. :t..,rnlarive" timing of these events. \7he-re we stat.rd in relation to the at ,.lf-rrorth. The middle-aged. mar-r still living . " - ... ...:tect ou, orrr, ,.nr'. of retired-all have f'[nds ' - : r::r:iii'll ,r.rdt'-'tt,i tht olcier working woman whose lives are out of sync " - -: ' .il i" i-p;;;o;' "'ptt1t of tl"'eii lives' but if those . - .:-. e\Pec,, ti-'" ** of ti-ming' it may lead.to some Personal doubts' In ^ is CEO of his Lu'n high-tech to^p"tit'',the middle-aged ' : --r.s itdlllt rvho - : : :-.:-:let.-s \.r., school, ,.rnd tl-re ottogt'-'"ii"''' rvho finishes the Boston Mara- : :. .raon ro celebrate over ..rnd above t\-re face value of their accomplishrnents. ' .::.-: tl-r.- social clock can have is ageism, a Wpe of discrin-iinatior-r in which ' -: i ::-:e.f rr.c1 clecisions are rnatle othe.s based solely on the f:rct that "b.r..t r" -': - :.:::;r,rlttr age group. Older irdults arc somerimes perceived to be cranky, --: :-.. -..J less valr-rable than l.ounger people. 'I'hese stereorypes are perpetu- . . -.1)ms. commercials, birthday cards, and jokes on Facebook. Emerging :.- "- : . ':* --: :.rrgets of ageism, when they are perceived as being less capable than rr" - : - - , :-i.rs or u'hen they are stereotvped as delinquents because of their style ' : -- - ::::cir. One of 61, goals for this book is to give a realistic and respectful -'"t :_:.,.n " J" aqe. -'.''-:-,r:r-:i-on of the infrtre'ce .f the social crock in virtuafly orfi curtures is -.-:--rrcnces irs.sociated u,ith fhnrilv ,,r:.,U:.. exarnple, .h. ;ra"-r;;;;;;; --' :--: :..rrer.rrhood, and once their flrst child is U"."iiir"f-fregin a fixed par_ " : ' - ' '' .tp.ri:l:.: with otl-rer parenrs that move *rrr, their childre,,s :-:.:.:r.\,. roddlerhood, the school "r.,rf 1,ears, adoles..n.I, pr.p"."tior, ,o ,- "rd Chapter 1 had never been on an airplane. But when I married my current husband (and no longer had children living at home), I had the opportuniry to travel with him to national conferences and accompany him on international trips as he collaborated with colleagues and worked as a visiting professor around the world. In the last 20 years, we have spent extended periods of time in Germany, Spain, and New Zealand. \7e have made shorter trips to Japan, China, Italy, Sweden, Norway, Denmark, England, Scotland, \7a1es, Austria, Switzerland, and Egypt. Last year we made it to Paris! I am an expert packer, and my office is filled with fra-.J photos I have taken in many exotic locations. To compare myself at 30 and 50, my travel habits would consriture a dramatic change. Other examples of change in the adult developmental process occur when one becomes a parent, switches careers, or decides to move to anorher part of the country (or to an entirely different country). One way to view the journey of adulthood is to consider both the stabiliry and fie change that define our lives. Still another way of looking at this journey is gauging how straight the road is. Some stretches of our lives are continuous-slow and gradual, taking us in a predictable direction. My gardening certainly fits this definition. In my earliest apartments I had potted plants, and when we rented our first house, I persuaded the iandlord to let me Put in a small flower garden. As our yards have grown bigger, so have my garden projects. I enjoy plant fairs, trade plant currings with friends, and of course, read books about gardening. i nna lt relaxing to spend time "digging in the dirt." I have increased my knowledge and skill over the years. Now that our yard is measured in acres instead of square feet, I'm in heaven. So far I have a butterfly garden in the front yard, and I'm working on a vegetable garden in the back. Hopefully I wili continue to "develop" as a gardener for many years. In contrast, our lives also have stages, parts of the journey where there seems to be no progress for some time, followed by an abrupt change. Stages are much like driving on a (rriit country road for a long time and then getting onto a busy interstate highway (or vice versa). In my adult life I view the years of being home with my young children as a stage that was followed by the abrupt change of the youngest entering school and me starting college. I suddeniy wenr from having minute-to-minute, hands-on parenting duties to the rype that involve prepararions the night before and then dropping the children off at school in the mornin[. And I also went from having mostly tasks that involved physical work and concrete thinking skills (how to ger crayon marks offfie wails) to those that required abstract thinking (Psychology 101). This mother/student stage continued for many years until I reached the single-mother/researcher stage. An interesting question in the study of adulthood is exploring how typical these stages of adult life are: Do most adults go through them along their jour.r.yr, *d if so, do they go through them in the same order and at the same age? Or are they arypical, unique to the individual? I think that sending one's youngest child offto school is probably a universal evenr in a mother's life, signaling the end of one stage andthe beginning tf another, but I don't think that the transition from full-time mother to ftrll-time student is rypical, though it is more common today than it was a generation ago. A final rheme of this book has to do with inner versus outer changes. As we proceed along the journey of adulthood, many outer changes are visible and apparent to those *. .r.ornt.r. \7e enter early adulthood and become more confident in our step and our carriage; we filI out and mature; some of us become Pregnant; some begin to lose their hair. in middle age many of us lose and gain weight, increase and decrease in fitness. Inner changes are nor as apparent to the casuai obseler. We fall in and out of love, hold our children close and then learn to give them space. 'Me look to our Parents for guidance ar the beginning of our journeys and then assist them at the end of theirs. Andwe grow in wisdom and grace. Of course the inner and outer changes are not independent of one another. Outer changes can affect the way we feel about ourselves, and vice versa. They also affect the way orhers perceive us, and this, in turn, affects our self-perceptions. Untangling this conceptual ball of yarn is another goal of this book. Introduction to Adult Development I t I s I n IT The terrorist attack of 'e September 11, 2001, is surely a defining event for the cohorts who experienced it. )Ld TS .1S n: -:e country. For example, Cuban Americans who came to the United States in the 1960s :lee Fidel Castro make up an important cohort in south Florida. One of the most studied cohorts in the social sciences is the group of people who .---'.\.up during the Great Depression of the 1930s. This was a time in the United States ::: in most of the world) that crops failed, factories closed, the stock market crashed, -.-:-rplovment si
Chapter 1 periods of time. To understand adult development, we must also explore and understand different types ofstability. I have divided them according to the classic naturenurture dichotomy, the biology we are born with and the environment we experience around us. Genetics Each of us inherits, at conception, a unique combination of genes. A very large percentage of these genes is identical from one member of the species to the next, which is why our developmental patterns are so much alike-why children all over the world walk at about 12 months, why we go through puberty in our early teens and menopause around 51. But our genetic inheritance is individuai as weli as collective. The study of behavior genetics, or the contributions genes make to individual behavior, has been a particularly active research topic in recent decades. 'We now know that specific herediry affects a remarkably broad range of behaviors, including cognitive abilities such as IQ, physical characteristics, such as height or body shape or a tendency to fatness or leanness, personality characteristics, and even pathological behavior, such as a tendency toward alcoholism, schizophrenia, or depression (Plomin, DeFries, Kropnick, et aJ., 2012). The extent to which these traits and tendencies remain in place throughout our lives shows the influence of heredity on stability in development. In searching for genetic influences on variations in adult behavior, behavior geneticists rely primarily on twin studies. These are studies that compare monozygotic twins with dizygotic twins on some behavior. Such studies are based on the fact that monzzlgotic twins develop from the same sperm and ovum and thus share exactly the same genetic patterning at conception, whereas diz,ygotic twins each develop from a separate sperm and ovum and are therefore no more alike, genetically, than any other pair of siblings. In rypical rwin studies, measurements of some trait or abiliry are taken on each rwin, and then the pairs are compared to see how similar their scores are. If the monozygotic rwin pairs are more similar for that trait or ability than the dizygotic twin pairs, then it is taken as evidence that the trait or ability is more influenced by genetics than by environmental factors. Twin studies are difficult to do because the statistics involved require large numbers of participants, and it is difficult for a researcher to recruit hundreds of pairs of twins. For this reason, several countries that have central databanks of their citizens' birth records and health records have taken the lead in this type of research. The in Stockholm. It maintains a database of information on over 85,000 twin pairs. Several studies in this book were based on data from the Swedish Twin Study database, as you will soon find out. largest databank of twins is in Sweden at the Karolinska Institute Environment If our genetic makeup contributes to the parts of ourselves that remain relatively stable over time, so does our environment. Although neither our biology nor our upbringing dictates our destiny, both have long-term effects. The lifelong effect of early family experience has been clearly demonstrated by the Grant Study of Harvard Men. Psychiatrist George Valliant (2002), the study's current director, has concluded that those who lived in the warmest, most trusting homes as children are more apt to be living well-adjusted lives in adulthood than those who spent their childhoods in the bleakest I Introduction to Adult Development homes. Men from the warmest homes are more able, as adults, to express emotions appropriately and openly, to see the world and the people in it as trustworthy, and to have friends with whom they enjoy leisure-time activities. Vaillant's interpretation is that parents who provide basic trust to their children (in this case, their sons), instill a sense of self-worth, good coping skills, the ability to form meaningful relationships, and in general construct a solid foundation for the core values the child will take with him or her throughout adulthood. And what's more, subsequenr studies show that these data could predict which men at age 75 would most likely be aging successfully (i.e., are healthy and happy) and which would be aging unsuccessfully (i.e., are sick and sad). Taken together, Vaillant's studies show that at least for extreme situations, early childhood environment can set the course for a lifetime of either emotional openness, trust, and good health or loneliness, mistrust, and illness. This research led Vaiilant to propose a major theory of personality development that will be discussed in Chapter 8. Interactionist View Of course there are no simple partitions between genes and environment, and we can't separate their contributions to the stability we experience throughout adulthood. Most developmentalists now subscribe to an interactionist view in which one's genetic traits determine how one interacts with the environment and even the environment itself (Greenberg, Halpern, Hood, et a1.,2010). For example, a boywith a Benetic makeup that promotes avoiding risks will grow up with a certain pattern of interactions with his parents and siblings and will seek out friends and activities that do not invoive high risk. Teachers may view this as stable and sensible and steer him to a career such as accounting. The result is a young adult with risk-avoiding genes working in a low-risk career environment and enjoying low-risk activities with his friends. He will no doubt marry someone who shares these interests, giving him even more support for this lifesryle. You can imagine the life course of this person, perhaps having one child, living in the same home and working in the same job until retirement. Quiet evenings would be spent at home or at the neighborhood tavern. He would have good health because of regular checkups, exercise, and sensible eating habits. He (and his wife) wouid use their seatbelts and drive defensively. Vacations would be carefully planned tours of scenic places, and retirement wouid bring regular golf games with the same friends each week and volunteer work with the foster grandparent program at the local elementary school. Risk avoidance is the theme of this person's life, but can we really say it was caused by his genetic makeup? Or was it the environment? It's the interactionist's chicken-andegg dilemma. Recently, a biological mechanism has been identified for this interaction between genes and environment. Epigenetic inheritance is a process in which the genes one receives at conception are modified by subsequent environmental events that occur during the prenatal period and throughout the life span (Kreman & Lyons, 2011). This process by which genes are modified is known as DNA methylation because it involves the chemical modification of DNA through the addition of a methyi group, resulting in reduced gene expression. This type of inheritance explains how the environment can cause permanent, Iifelong characteristics that were not part of the original genetic endowment at conception. For example, autopsies of adults who committed suicide show that those who had a history of childhood abuse are more apt to have modified glucocorticoid receptor tl Chapter 1 in their brains than both adults who committed suicide but had no history of childhood abuse and a control group of adults who died of other causes (McGowan, Sasaki, D'Alessio, et al., 2009). As you wili learn in Chapter 10, glucocorticoid receptors determine how an individual responds to stress. In this case, it seems thar early childhood experiences bring forth changes in the children's genetic expression that have lifelong consequences. This will also be discussed more in Chapter 3. genes A'Word About "Ag"" Most people know that age is just a number. Perhaps ages in childhood give valid information about what to expect in the way of appearance or behavior, but once a child reaches adolescence, many more factors take over. In fact, the further we venrure on the journey of aduithood, the more variability there is among people our "own" age. Several types of age have been identified, and they illustrate the many dimensions of adult development. The number of years that have passed since your birth or the number of candles on your last birthday cake is your chronological age. As I mentioned before, this may be important in childhood, when allT-yearHow old are you? \7hat would you olds look similar and have similar interests and abilities, but in adultestimate your biological age to be? Your hood, this number is seldom relevant, except for young adulthood when driving, purchasing alcohol, and voting are determined by chronological they match with your chronological age and in older adulthood when eligibility for Social Securiry and Mediage? care are determined by chronological age. However, your development in adulthood does not occur because the clocks have struck a certain number of times any more than because the heat from your birthday candles reaches a certain temperature. It may be related, but chronological age does not cAuse developmental changes. Biological age is a measure of how an adult's physical condition compares with others. "He has the memory of a 5}-year-old" and "She runs like a 30-year-old" are examples of informal measures of biological age. Of course, it depends on the person's chronological age. Having the memory of a 5}-year-old means one thing if the person is 70, a much different thing if 30!As you will see in Chapter 2, biological age is used to evaluate aging of the physical systems, such as with bone density scans, in which patients' bones are compared to those of a healthy 20-year-old. Biological age can often be affected by lifesryle changes, as will also be discussed in Chapter 2. Another type of age is psychological age, which is a measure of how an adult's ability to deal effectively with the environment compares to others. A 30-year-old woman who can't pay her electric bill becar-rse she couldJt resist buying designer jeans and is often late for work because she oversleeps is functioning like a teenager. Her psychological age is much below her chronological age. Social age is based on the expected roles a person takes on at a specific point in his or her life. A woman who has her first child at 40 is taking on a role that has a social age at least a decade younger. A 23-year-old who works full time, goes to school full time, and sends money home to help support her grandmother has a social age much greater than her years. Sometimes biological age, psychological age, and social age are considered in a package as functional age, or how well a person is functioning as an adult compared to others. But it seems clear that the question, "How old are you?" has a number of answers. social and psychological age? How do l-_ -to Adult Development As developmental psychologists, we try not to depend solely on chronological age when investigating some aspect of adult behavior. As you will see in the following chapters, many srudies use age groups (you.rg adults compared to middle-aged groups) or roles (couples without children compared to couples with children). Often they avoid the chronological age question by comparing the same people before and after they take on a role, such as parenthood or retirement. It is important to keep in mind that development and chronological age do not travel hand in hand, and this becomes more and more apparent the older we get. Setting the Course: Some Guiding Perspectives Before any questions about adult development can be asked, we need to :etermine what platform to stand 6n-1hs base from which we set the course -.ithis journey. The next 10 chapters in this book cover specific areas of devel--5ment and include specific theories to guide that research, but two broad .rproaches are used for all the chapters, and they define the tone ofthe book. Before you read on, do you think it is possible fbr people in their 70s to make developrnental gains? 80s? Do people developmental 'lfhat about the in their 20s expericnce losses? Life-Span Developmental Psychology Approach -':: major approach of this text is the life-span developmental psychology irproach, which states that development is lifelong, muItidimensional, --,-:ic. contextual, and has multipie -: ' causes (Baltes, Reese, & Lipsitt, 1980). Psychologist Baltes and his colleagues introduced these ideas in 1980, and although this approach .. -::ds r.ery ordinary today, it defined a turning point in developmental psychology, which :<-:,:e that time was focused almost exclusively on child development. The major points of :: -i=-span developmental approach are illustrated in Table 1 .2, along with some examples .,i =.:h. and as you read them over, you will see that this approach opened the door for the ;-:'. urf development at all ages-not just your l2-year-old brother, but aiso you, your :-- --... srudents, your parents, your professor, and even your grandparents. E aoloeical Model of Development IEod major approach this text takes is based on the bioecological model, Eil points out that we must consider the developing person within the IEI of multiple environments. This idea is that development must take [ *itni" biological, psychological, and, especially, social contexts that tcover time, and that these various influences are in constant interaction Ilr,2006; Sameroff,2009). These ideas were introduced by psycholoBronfenbrenner in 1979 and have been modified over the last three G In Bronfenbrenner's system, what are the specific influences on your develop- ment at each level? Does one level have more influence rhan the orhers? Do you think this is true of others or unique to 1'ou? 3ronfenbrenner & Morris, 2006). Bronfenbrenner proposed five systems: the r,,-, rhe exlsytem, and the mauzslstem, as shown in Figure 1.1 with the mesosys: :he interaction between elements in the microsystem. In addition, there is the ,,,, .1.[i6[ reflects the fact that the other three systems are dynamic-constantly -. -''','r time. This change can be as individual as physical maturation or as encom. . large-scale earthquake or an economic recession in one's country. :-.-:.;or point of Bronfenbrenner's theory, and other developmental contextual ..-. in general, is that individuals and their development cannot be studied Chapter Chapter 1 1 genes in their brains than both a childhood abuse and a control gr Sasaki, D'Alessio, et al., 2009). A tors determine how an individua childhood experiences bring forr have lifelong consequences. This r ai:ia 'I .? Life-Span Developmental psycholo Concept Life-spa Proposition n development A'$7ord About "Ag." Human development is a lifelong process. No single age is more '. than another. At every age, vario developmental processes are at all developmental processes are b Most people know that age is jr information about what to expe( child reaches adolescence, many I on the journey of adulthood, th i rth. Mu ltidirectionality We develop in different directio. different rates. Developmental pr increase and decrease. At one t' we can change in some areas ar stable in others. Development as gain and loss Development is a combination of losses at every age, and we neec age. Several types ofage have bee of adult development. The number of o Horv olcl are vou? Whirt ro,ould vou estimatc vour bioloeical age to be? Your social and psvchological age? l-lolv ther.' match dcr rvith vorr chronoloqical age? of candles on voll mentioned before, olds look similar a hood. this r:rumber driving, pr-rrchasinl age and ir:r older ad howto anticipate and adaptto b: Plasticity care are determine Many aspects of development ca modified. Not much is set in storr are limits. in adulthood cloes number of times r candles reaches a certain tempel not. cause developmental changes I 2 Biological age is a measure ol ers. "He has the memory of a 50-1 of informal measures of biologic logical age. Having the memory Historical much different thing if 30!As yot embeddedness r aging of the physical systems, su( are compared to those of a healtl lifestyle changes, as will also be d Another type of age is psveho to deal effectively with the envirc It h L L cultural conditions. Contextualism Development depends on the inte normative age-graded, normative graded, and nonnormative influer- Multidisciplinary The study of human development the life span does not belong to ps can't pay her electric bill becaust Iate for work because she overslee is much below her chronologicai Social age is based on the ex Development is influenced by h,s: , or her life. A woman who has h alone. lt is the territory of many o:, age at least a decade younger. A time, and sends money home tc disciplines, and we can benefit contributions of all. greater than her years. Sometim considered in a package as func adult compared to others. Bi-rt it a number of answers. Source: Adapted from Baltes (1987). fr-c Introduction to Adult Development Macrosystem A\ Exosystem ,,A\, ,, ,,.,r ..rq' , ' "d,,^. < .()i \ b,t t ;r .:i, ri:ii...-irai.it,i.,!... :$s#tir* ,'so.,' .s$ ,' ,uu- , s'/c: rZ' '% '--%' /o:: ,/Q.:;; +>l-<+l tl tt Figure 1.1 Bronfenbrenner's model of the ecolog ical-systems approach to studying development. He suggested that researchers look beyond behavior in Iaboratory settings and -;h'.;*y;;- --- -- ---- --- - --> Chronological Age Life-course Stage Historical Change "out of context." Rather, must consider the social environmenr, lrom family and and the broader culture all ir.r interacli6n-1vhsn trf ing fiiends through community to explain the factors that influence the course of a person's journev to and through adulthood. As you r,vill see throughout this text, recent research in most areas of the social sciences has reflected this model, investigating the development of adults in the context of their lives as individuals, as partners in relationships, as parents in families, rts workers on job sites, and as members of particular cultr-rral groups and cohorts. i. .r r,'",* i t, ;.-r *lf ii l;.i i lrl r.: \\,'e s,;,:. :: ;: i: To understancl adult development, it is irnportant to know a iittle about the research process because information today in the social sciences is, for the most pxrt, science based. I won'r attemp[ to present a whole course on research methods and statistics, but I wiil cover some of the methods that are used in the studies I describe in the u.pcoming chapters olthis text. reseach begins rvith questions. Suppose, for example, that I want to know somethir-rg about change or stabiiirv in persor-ral relationships over the 2dul1 ysx15-relationships with a spouser with other farnily members, or rvirh friends. Or suppose that I u.anted to study memory over adulthood. Older adults frequentlv complain that they can't remember things as well as when they were younger. Is this a valid perception? Is there really a loss in All consider how development takes place within multiple environments and through time. Source: Based brenner (1 979). on Bronfen- Chapter 1 memory abiliw in old age, or earlier? Horv would I go about designing research to arlswer such questions? In every instance, there is a set ofdecisions: ' I stud,v gloups of people of cliflerent ases, or should I str-rd,v the same grot4r of peop,le over time, or solle cor-nbination of rhe trvo? T'his is a question dealine u.ith basic researclr Sl-rould methods. 'Hor'r, rvill I n-reasurc thc beliavior:, thought, or cmotion I am stuclr.ing? Horv can I best inquire about the qualitv of marriage-r,r.itl'r l qr-rcstionnaire or in rrn inten,ierv? Horv do I fiIeasllre depression-is there a set of questions I can use ? These are qr:estions of research 77)edSUreS. ' \(/har r.vill I do rvith the data? Is it e nor-rgh merely to cornpafe the ar.erage number of frie ncls, or the average relationship satisfactior.r clescribed bv subjects in each age group? What else r,voulcl I \,vant to do to rease out some of the possible explanations? These are cluesrions of research dnnb,sh. c{o the results mean? Depending on the research r-nethod, measllres, and an:rlysis, u,hat is thc or.era]l conclusion? \What is thc ansr.ver to the research question I began rvitl-r? These '\flhat are qrrestions of rcsearclt design. Methods Choosing a research method is per:haps the mclst crucial decision the researcher makes. This is true in any area of scieuce, but there are special considerations rvhen the ropic of study is development. There are essentiall), three choices: (a) You can choose diflbrent groups of sub.jects at each of a series of ages and con'rpare their responses-in other words, the cross-sectiot.ral n.rethod; (b) you can study the same subjects over a period of time, observing whether their responses remair.r the same or cirange in systematic ways-rhe longitudinal lrethod; or (c) vou can combine the nvo in any of several u.ays, collecti',,ely called seqr-rential methods. Development encompasses both gains and losses, Sometimes a health crisis (loss) can result in a healthy new lifestyle (gain), F --- Introduction to Adult Development A cross-sectional study in developmental psychology describes a study that is based data gathered at one time from groups of participants who represenr differenr age ::oups. Each subject is measured or tested only once, and the results give us information :'rout differences between the groups. Here is an example of a study using the cross-sectional method. Public health ::searcher Paul Cleary and his colleagues were interested in knowing whether there '.r-ere anl differences in personal health practices for adults of different ages (Cleary, : r Taborski, & Ayanian, 2004). The researchers were part of a large-scale project known as :re Midlife in the United States (MIDUS) National Survey, so they included questions ::rtaining to personal health in the surveys sent out to 7,000 participants between the -.qes of 25 and74. One of the quesrions was, "How much efforr do you devote to your per.onal health?" Answers were given as scores on a 10-point scale, with 1 being "very little .rtbrt" and 10 being "very much efforr." Vhen the results were compiled, the research=rs divided tllem into five groups according to the age of the participants and then by iender, resulting in 10 data points, each giving the average score for one gender at one :qe group. Figure l 2 shows the results displayed on a graph. As you can see, the average :-sponses to the question, "How much time do you devote to your personal health?" .'ere between 6.8 and 7.8 points. The most obvious result (to me) was that women in .\-ery age grouP responded that they devoted more effort to their health than men, with :he biggest difference being in the two groups of people 35 rc 44 and 45 to 54 years o{ .qe. Men and women were the most similar in the older years of 65 rc74. \fomen's :realth efforts increased steadily across the adult years, whereas men's actually declined 'lighdy at35 to 44years and then began a sharp increase. Just considering age in gen-ral, the figure shows us that the older we get, the more effort we spend on our health. Of course, there are many more findings in the MIDUS study, and I will be discussing :hem in more detail in later chapters, but for now, this gives you a good example of a .ross-sectional research study. Some cross-sectional studies do not use age groups. Instead they r-rse stages in life, such comparing young couples without children to couples who have already had their first --hild to see the effects of parenthood on a marriage. Or comparing young people entering :ollege with those who are graduating to see the effects of education on political views. But all cross-sectional studies are designed to test different people at the same point in 10 -) q) (B o o t.6 zzlzhttttt'/ Figure 1.2 Crosssectional data showing that the amount I s d /.+ c) I o of effort spent .E cc) 7.2 on personal health care increases with age and is greater for women than for men at every o C) ?o ,o age. LrJ Source: Cleary, Zaborski, & 25*34 atr Ayanlan (2004). ^ A 45-54 Age Group 55-64 65-74 Chapter 1 time-kind of a shortcut for follorving rhose people throughout th:rt tirne period :rnd charting individual changes. The benef-it is that it is quicker, easier, and less expensivc than following the same people around the u.hole time. The dorvnside is that it only shows agr difi)rertces, not change. \fhen cross-sectional studies are done t ith older adr-rlts, it is possible that the people in the olcler sroups do not represent the general population as well as those in the younger grolrps, due to transportation problems, chronic health concerns, and difficultv in recruiting older participants. It is also the case that older participants are rhose who have sun ived into oid age and may be healrhier and r.vealthier (and perhaps wiser). But again, the rninimal time and effort it takes to conduct cross-sectional studies makes them attractivc to rnost reseerchers, and m:rny of these problems can be predicted and controlied for. [ 111;:1;:qs:'.'li:::;:;::t".:' b1'contrast, is one in w]rich a researcher foliou's the same gror.rp of people over a period of timc. taking measurements of some behavior of interest at regular interr.als. In comp:rrison to the cross-sectional str.rd1, discussed earlier, a longitudinal stucly rnight start rvith a grotlp of people who are 35 to 44, asking how much effort they devote to their health. Then, I 0 1,s21. l:rter, the researchers could find the same people, no\v at the ages of 45 to 54, ancl ask them the same question again. Finall,y, another 10 years later, the last data coulcl be gather:ecl u4ren the participanrs are 55 rc 64 vears of age.'l'hen comparisons coulcl bc made, telling the storv of these individuals, at least in legard to age-re/ated changes in the tirne they der.oted to thcir health over their middle years (r1ot lust age-re/ated dffirencff as arc revealed by correlational studies). An example of a stuch, using the longitudinal metl'rod is one done b,v psycl-rologist Nancy Galambos and her colleagues, r,vho n'ere interested in the der.elopment of selfesteem in voung adults (Galambos, Barker, & Krahn, 2006). They began the study at the end of the school 1-etrr in 1984 by giving out questionnaires to 983 high school seniors in a large self-esreem inventory in lvhich participants leac{ such state ments as, "On the whole I am satisfied u.itl-r rnyself' and "I fbel tl.rat I have a number olgood qualities." They rated each item on a scale of 1 (strongl,v clisagree) to 5 (strongly agree). As Figure 1.3 shows, a year larer, when the participants rvere 19, they received a seconcl questionnaire containing dre same questions (and otl-rers). Of the 983 original participants,665 retr-rrned the seconcl qLlestionnaire. The third year the ptocess was repe:rted, and 547 participants, $4lo fi'om I , western Canaclian ciry. Among other things, the questionnaire contained six items a were now 20 years ofage, returncd the third questionnaire. Trvo years later, the researchers senr our a fourth qLlestionnaire and received 503 in return. Finally, in i992, rvhen the participants r,vere 25 1.ears of age, the final questionnf,ire \yrs sent out, ancl the return wirs 404. Although this rerurn r.vas only 45o/o of the original sample size, the response rate is typical of longirudinal studies. Year of Testing I a s t 984 985 986 1 1 Figilre 1.3 Source: Data from Ga ambos, Barker, & Krahn (2006). 5 1 l* '1992 G'"r, n=404 | I Model of a longitudinal study in which 983 students were surveyed in 1984 and then again in 1985, 1986, 1988, and 1992. Note their ages and also the number of students who returned the questionnaires (n). E 988 * l,*- l-^n-n-l.*t[;l-- [^* . [o* n=e83, | n=00s I I n=sqz I I n=sos | I 1 Introduction to Adult Development Galambos and her colleagues compiled the data on self-esteem by finding average for the group of participants at each age they were surveyed. They also divided the group into male and female subgroups. The results are shown in Figure 1.4. As the graph shows, the average scores for these young adults range benveen 3.75 and 4.05, and selfesteem for both groups increased between the ages of I 8 and 25 . There is also a different rate of increase for the males and the females. The males had higher self-esteem at 18, but by25, their rate was not much higher than that of the females. The females had lower scores at 18, but their rate of increase was greater than that of the males. The longitudinal method used by Galambos and her colleagues truly demonstrates change because the same participants were tested at each age. There were only 404 participants (compared to over 7,000 in the cross-sectional study described earlier), but the data points on the graph show increases in self-esteem for the same participants over the course of 7 years. Another plus for longitudinal studies is that the participants are from the same cohort, which increases the probabiliry that the changes in self-esteem are age related and not the result of some normative history-graded influence on that cohort. However, the minuses of longitudinal studies should be apparent. From the first wave of testing to the published article, the study rcok22 yearsl This method is time consuming and expensive. In a profession that bases promotion and tenure on annual publication lists, researchers need to balance longitudinal studies with shorter-term work to not "perish" due to lack of publications. The most ambitious longitudinal studies I am aware of are done in large European research institutes. For example, in the Berlin Study of Aging, there are40 researchers on the staffand hundreds ofstudents and paid researchers. The study began in 1990 by assessing 516 people between 70 and 100 years ofage, and it took 14 sessions for each person to receive the initial assessment-a project that took the research staff 3 years (Baltes & Mayer, 1999). in the next three decades, surviving participants were assessed eight more times. Some of the participants outlived the principle investigator, psychologist scores 4.05 - "1991 -e "'1988 L 3.e8 // ' 1991 ----"1;::' [ 1eB6 l.----'-iirZ i tee+ E q) 0) o 3.e0 tu [ =0) L U) 1 9BB Figure 1.4 You ng adults increase in t t self-esteem between the ages of 18 and .1986 382l_ tudinal study. I 1 985 increase for males and females. I 3.751. tr 18 Note the different rates of t i 25, according to this longi- 1 984 19 20 I 22 21 Age I 23 _L_ 24 -L_ 25 Source: Galambos, Barker. & i Krahn (2006).
Chapter 1 Paul Baltes, who died at the age of 57 in 2006. The findings from the Berlin Study of Aging and similar research efforts will be discussed in the upcoming chapters of this book. Another drawback to longitudinal studies is attrition, or participant dropout. The Galambos study began with a fairly general sample of high school students, but as the years wenr by, each wave of data collection yielded fewer and fewer returns. More than half of the original participants were absent from the last wave of the study.'When attrition is present, we need to ask whether those who dropped out might have made a difference in the results. The researchers mentioned this in the discussion section of their journal article. They said that the self-esteem scores of those who dropped out and those who remained in the study did not differ in the earlier parts of the survey in which all participated. However, there were some other differences. Those who remained in the study were more apt to be from families with higher socioeconomic levels and more apt to continue to live with their parents in the years following graduation. The researchers caution us that the results of the study may not apply to young adults who do not fit this profile (Galambos, Barker, & Krahn, 2006). One of the ways to combine the positive aspects of the cross-sectional design with those of the longitudinal design is to use the sequential study, which is a series of longitudinal studies begun at different points in time. In the simplest form, one longitudinal study (Cohort 1) is begun with participants who are in one age group. Several years later, a second longitudinal study (Cohort 2) is begun with participants who are the same age as the Cohort 1 participants were when the study began. As the wo studies progress, they yield two sets of longitudinal data, but they also give cross-sectional data. For example, a sequentiai study was conducted by psychologist Susan Krauss \X/hitbourne and her colleagues (\Thitbourne, Zuschlag, Elliot, et al., 1,992) to answer the question of whether young adults' personalities change or remain stable as they moved into middle age. The study began in 1966 with a group of 347 undergraduate students at the Universiry of Rochester whose average age was 20.They were given a personaliry inventory questionnaire asking them, among other things, to rate statements about their industry (or work ethic) according to how well each described them. In Figure 1.5, this group is shown in the top left box labeled Cohort 1, 1966.ln 1977, this group was on average 31 years old, and the researchers sent out questionnaires again, receiving 155 in return, as shown in the box iabeled Cohort 1,1977. Also in 1977 a new group of 2}-year-old students from the Universiry of Rochester were given the personality invenrory quesrionnaire (Cohorr2, 1977).In 1988 the process was repeated for the participants in Cohort 1, who were now 42years of age, and Cohort 2,who were now 3l years of age. As you can see, 99 of the original 347 in Cohort 1 returned questionnaires, and 83 of the original 296 in Cohort 2 returned questionnaires. At this point, there are two longitudinal studies going on, Cohort 1 with data available for the ages of 20, 31, and 42, and Cohort 2 with data available for the ages of 20 and 31. There is also a cross-sectional study going on, with a group of 20-year-olds, a group I J of 3l-year-olds, and a group of a I L Figure 1.5 Model of a sequential study in which two cohorts were followed beginning at age 20. One cohort was followed for 22 years; one for 1 1 years. Note ages and number of participants (n). 4 t Year of Testing 1 966 cohor,lLryl Cohort 2 tr*l l;:i;;l [^**--l [f{_l 1977 1 9BB t-^*;l [^';il | | n=ffi I n=zgo I 42-year-olds. Figure 1.6 shows how 'Whitbor-rrne and her colleagues anaIyzed the results. The top line shows the industry scores for Cohort I at 20, 31, and 42. The scores increase sharply between 20 and ages 31, and the increase becomes more gradual frorn 31 rc 42. This definitely shows change in personality Introduction to Adult Development Figure 1.6 Results from a sequential study of two cohorts tested at three ages and at Cohort 19 three different points in time. Comparing longi- 1 Cohort 2 tudinal results, Cohort l shows a sharper increase in industry scores between 20 and 31 years than does c) o o Cohort 2, though both have similar scores at a a f E c age 31. Cross-sectional resu lts suggest that the normative history- graded influences (Vietnam War, civil rights issues) low- ered the young adults' scores in 1966. 1 966 1 988 Year of Testing Sou.ce. Aoapreo f 'o- W^ r bourne, Zuschlag, Elliot, et al. (1 992). rraits during adulthood, but does the same hold for other cohorts? The lower line in the t-igure shows the pattern for Cohort 2, tested at 20 years and 31 years of age. The pattern is different than for Cohort 1. First, the industry scores are much higher at age20 for Cohort 2 (6.54 for Cohort 1 and 9.19 for Cohort 2), and second, the rate of increase is nuch slower for Cohort 2. Still, both groups had similar industry scores at the age of 31 13.58 for Cohort 1 and 74.32 for Cohort 2). The researchers suggest that the 2)-yearolds in Cohort 1 were in college during the 1960s, when the work ethic of the establishment was being questioned and rejected, and their low scores on industry were reflections of that era. Once out of school and in the workplace, this group had some catching up to Jo. Their catching up is represented by the sharp increase in industry scores, which at 31 .1re very close to the scores of Cohort 2,who were not part of the protest era. Clearly there are nonnormative history-graded influences going on here. Perhaps the normative agegraded pattern of change in the personaliry trait of industry is more like that of Cohort l, but when history (the Vietnam'War, civil rights issues) brings about a large student f,rotest movement, it causes a detour in the journey of adulthood for many in that cohort, :.lthough in the case of the personality trait of industry, these college students were able :o catch up to speed and be back on track by the time they were age 3\. \We will revisit -his study in Chapter 8 when I cover personaliry development, but for now it selwes as a good example of using the sequential method to study development. -\Ieasures -)nce the research design is determined, the next major set of decisions has to :o with how to measure the behavior of interest. Each merhod has its own set iadvantages and disadvantages, and I will discuss them here briefly. One of the most coffrmon instruments used to gather data is a personal .nterview, that is, having the experimenter ask the participant questions, one, n-one. Personal interviews can be structured, like a multiple-choice test, or How rvould 1.ou tlesign a questionnaire for 1.our class to find out other students, opi.ions on the classroom design (the light, seating, room remperarure, and so forth)? Introduction to Adult Development I discuss specific studies that include them. At this early point, all I want to do is talk about the wvo most common ways of looking at adult development. The most common and the simplest way to describe age-related differences is to collect the data (scores, measurement results) for each group, find the means (averages), and determine whether the differences in the means are large enough to be significant, a process known as comparison of means. \7ith cross-sectional studies, the means of the age groups are compared. \X/ith longitudinal studies, the means of the scores for the same people at different ages are compared. 'With sequential studies, both comparisons are possible. However, the similarity remains-we are looking for an age-related pattern of change. If the group of participants is large enough, it is often possible to divide it into smaller groups and look for age differences or continuities in the subgroups, such as women versus men, working class versus middle class, those with young children versus those rvithout young children. If the same pattern appears in all subgroups, we'd be more likely to conclude that this is a significant age-related pattern. However, if the change is difterent for the subgroups (as is often the case), it opens the door for follow-up questions. For example, in the cross-sectional study described earlier (Cleary, Zaborski, & Ayanian, )004), researchers divided the age groups into gender groups also, and they found that different patterns emerged for men and women in the amount of time spent on healthrelated activities. Not only did the researchers find answers to their questions about agerelated change (yes, it increases with age), but they also found that it increased more for men, and men started out at a disadvantage. That gave the researchers the opportunity ro speculate on why men seem to have so little concern about their health at 25 and do not change in this respect until about 45.In contrast, women have more concern at 24) and they increase in concern their whole lives. Perhap s at 25, women are concerned with ;hildbearing and visit their doctors more often. Perhaps the cultural emphasis on women's 3.ppearance causes them to notice subtle signs of aging sooner, whereas men "coast" for anfiile until the signs are more evident. These questions make for good discussion and inspire new research to find answers. Comparisons of means for different age groups, either cross-sectionally or longitu;inally, can give us some insights into possible age changes or deveiopmental patterns, -.ur rhel cannot tell us whether there has been stability or change within :rdir.iduals. For this information, a different type of analysis is required: lVhat would you predict the correlation -: correlational analysis. A correlation is simply a statistic that tells us the together. on same tend to vary the people .\rent to which two sets of scores direction would be for the number of Correlations (r) can range from + 1.00 to -l .00. A positive correlation shows hours students study for an exam and high scores on the rwo dimensions occur together. A negative correlation their grades? 'Wh:rt about the aver=ar :-lls us that high scores on one dimension occur with low scores on the other. age speed they drive and the number - he closer the correlation is to 1.00 (positive or negative), the stronger the of inlraction points on their driver's ::iationship. A correlation of 0.00 indicates no relationship. licenses? For example, height and weight are positively correlated: taller people :.nerally weigh more, shorter people less. But the correlation is not perfect :or + 1.00) because there are some short, heavy people, and some tail, light people. If you ::i on a diet, the number of pounds you lose is negatively correiated with the number of :.,'ories you eat: high calories go with low weight loss. But this correlation, too, is not a :::tict -1.00 (as any of you who have dieted know full welll). Correlations are also used to reveal patterns of stability or change. For example, .=searchers interested in personaiiry traits might give personaliry assessments to particir-r:rrs over a number of years and then correlate the early scores with the later scores for .-:;h person. A high poriti r. correlation would ,ho* ,,"tili,y for that trait. be describing a few of these in later chapters when Chapter I open ertded,like an essav tesr, or a combination of both. A11 the major longitudinal stuclies ihave described so far, fbr example. includecl extensive intervier'vs. Manl' 61ort-sectional studies of adult litb also involve structurecl interviervs. Person:rl interuiervs have the advantage of allowing the ir.rtervierver to clari$, questions and ask follou-up questions. Participants feel co-f'olrable talking ro a human being and not iust rvriting answers on an impersonal questionnaire. Drawbacks are rhat the participants rnight provide resPonses thev Iiel are sociai\, acceptable to the interyier'ver, and similarly, the interviewer's feelings towarcl the parti.ipant might cloud the recording or coding of responses, especially witl-r very long intervie*s. Builcling rapport benveen intervierver and participant catr be a plus or a minus' This problem ir ,"oid..{ bv using the surr,.e.r'*ilaestii-'nnair:er a paPer-and-pencil form consisting clf structured and focused questions that participants can fi11 out on their o$'n. Suney questionn:rires are usually given out on a large scale, such as through the mail or at large gadrerings of people. The aclvantages are that they can reach a large number of p.opl. in a rvide geographic lange. Participants may be more truthful and forthcoming about sensitive topics rvith a sLrrvey than if tall
Chapter 1 *i:i:; , .i Life-span Developmental Psychology: concepts, Propositions, and Examples Concept Proposition Example Human development is a lifelong process. No single age ls more important than another. At every age, various developmental pr0cesses are atwork. Not all developmental processes are present at Lif e-spa n development birth. A 38-year-old single woman makes plans to adopt a child; a 52-year-old bookkeeper becomes less satisfied with her job now that her kids are grown and she has more attention to give to her work; a 75-year-old Civil War buff becomes uninterested in attending re-enactments and begins taking a class in memoir writing. They are all experiencing deve lopme nt. M u ltidlre ctiona lity Development as gain and loss We develop in different directions and at different rates. Developmental processes increase and decrease. At one time of life, we can change in some areas and remain stable in others. Development is a combination of gains and Iosses at every age, and we need to learn how to anticipate and adapt to both. Some intellectualabilities increase with age, and some decline. Young adults show independence when they complete college and start a career, but show dependence at the same tlme when they remain in their parents'home. Middle-aged adults may lose their parents, but gain a new feeling of maturity. Young adults add a baby to their family, but may lose some equality in their marriage, Workers start losing speed and preclsion as they age, but they gain expertise. be Plasticity Many aspects of development can Young people who enter adulthood with behavior modified. Not much is set in stone, butthere problems or substance-abuse probtems can are overcome them and become responsible, successful adults. Couples with a lot of conflict in their marriages during the child-rearing years can be happy once the children are grown. Fathers can stay home with kids and be nufturing and attentive while mothers work outside the home. 0lder parents can change their values as a result of their young adult children's lifestyles. limits. t Historical Development is influenced by historical embeddedness cultural J Contextualism Development depends on the interaction of normative a ge-graded, normative historygraded, and nonnormative influences. Multidisciplinary Source: Adapted from Baltes L a rl g 'Ees t_ and The study of human development across the life span does not belong to psychology alone. lt is the territory of many other disciplines, and we can benefit from the contributions of all. a f{ conditions. I (1 987) People who grew up in the 1970s have more open attitudes toward legalizing drugs than earlier or later cohorts. Those who lived through the Great Depression have different attitudes toward work than members of other cohorts. Each of us is an individual because of the interaction of influences we share with other adults in general, those we share because of the times we live in, and those that are unique to us Contributions t0 the study of development come from the field of psychology, but also from sociology, anthropology, economics, public health, social work, nursing, epidemiology, education, and other disciplines. Each brings a different and valuable point of view.

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